Hindi pinalampas ng mga manggagawa ang isyu ng pagpapalibing sa yumaong diktador Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. sa Libingan ng mga Bayani at ang tangkang paglilibing din sa pananamantala at pangbubusabos ng kanyang rehimen.

Bukod pa sa pagpataw ng Batas Militar at mga kasong paglabag ng karapatang pantao ng dating Pangulong Marcos, pinasa at pinirmahan niya ang mga batas na lalong nagpahirap sa mga manggagawa sa bansa.

 

Ang mga pamana ni Marcos ang nagsisilbing ilan sa mga malalaking rason kung bakit kailangang ipagpatuloy ng mga manggagawa ang kanilang laban sa buong bansa. Bitbit sa hanay ng mga obrero noong Nobyembre 30, Araw ni Andres Bonifacio, na ginugunita na rin ng mga grupo na Araw ng Anakpawis, ang panawagang pagkundena sa paghirang kay Marcos bilang bayani ng mga Pilipino.

Pandarahas sa mga unyonista

“Tapos na daw ang Martial Law, ngunit bakit sa loob ng engklabo tuloy at nagpapatuloy ito!” sabi ni Michael Hinggan, isang manggagawa sa Dong Yun Plate Making Corporation na nagimprenta ng pambalot sa produktong pangkomersyo.

Ang export processing zones (EPZ) ay isang porma ng engklabo na hindi nasasakupan ng mga alituntuning pang-ekonomiya sa bansa. Ito ay itinatayo sa mga developing countries kung saan nananaig ang mga foreign companies sa mga engklabo. Ang mga ginagawang produkto ay sadyang inilalabas o ineexport sa ibang bansa at dahil dito binibigyang luwag sa aspeto ng tariff at quota ang mga foreign investors.

 

Sa panahon ni Marcos, itinayo ang unang EPZ sa Bataan. Ito ay sa layuning iengganyo ang mga dayuhan na mamuhunan sa Pilipinas.

Sa kasalukuyan, dumami ang pagtatayo ng EPZ sa iba’t ibang parte ng bansa. Ang Philippine Dong Yun ay isa sa mga kumpanya sa loob ng engklabong Filinvest Technological Park sa Calamba, Laguna.

“Alam naman natin na sa loob ng engklabo ay mayroong patakarang ipinapatupad na sinasagka ang batas ng Pilipinas. Narito ang policy nila na ‘no union, no strike policy’. Ngunit lahat ng ito ay aming sinagkaan at nakapagtayo kami ng isang tunay na unyon,” sabi ni Hinggan na siya ring pangalawang taga-pangulo ng Samahan at Ugnayan ng mga Manggagawa sa Philippine Dong Yunsa ilalim ng National Federation of Labor Unions ng Kilusang Mayo Uno (SUMAPHI-DY-NAFLU-KMU).

Binuo ng mga manggagawa ng Dong Yun ang SUMAPHI-DY dahil sa lubhang pananamantala ng kumpanya. Ayon sa ulat ng Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), ito ang mga paglabag ng kumpanya:

1. Pasahod na bababa pa sa subsistence wages (Php 180 – Php 336)
2. Pwersahang overtime
3. Hindi pagremita ng Social Security System (SSS) at PhilHealth na nagdulot ng kawalang benipisyo sa mga manggagawa
4. Hindi pag-apruba ng sick leave kahit may medical certificates
5. Walang safety gear kaya nakakalanghap ng cancerous chemicals
6. Walang company clinic
7. Agarang pagtanggal kapag napahamak sa pagawaan

 

Nanalo ang SUMAPHI-DY sa eleksyon bilang sole and exclusive bargaining agent (SEBA) ng pagawaan noong Setyembre 2015. Kahit may sertipikasyon na mula sa Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), tinibag pa rin ang kanilang unyon, tinanggihan ang collective bargaining agreement (CBA) at iligal na pinatanggal ang 22 opisyales at miyembro ng unyon ng Human Resource manager na si Devie Requilman.

 

Liban pa rito, marahas ding binuwag ng mga goons ng kumpanya ang kanilang piketlayn noong Nobyembre 7.

Inumpisahan ni Marcos ang kontraktwalisasyon

Mayroon nang insinasakatuparang porma ng kontraktwalisasyon sa ilalim ng administrasyon ni Ferdinand Marcos.

Nang idineklara ang Batas Militar, binasag ang panandaliang katahimikan ng welga ng manggagawa sa La Toñdena Distillers Incorporated – kasalukuyang kilala sa pangalang Ginebra San Miguel Incorporated – para gawing regular ang lagpas anim na buwang nagtratrabahong mga “casual” o kontraktwal at “extra” o pana-panahong manggagawa.

“Kahalintulad ng aming kumpanya, ang Wyeth, kung saan ito ay nabili ng Nestlé. Sa amin pong hanay, umabot nang 18 taon na kontraktwal ang mga manggagawa. Ganun po katindi. Iyon pong sinasabing pangunahin [ang kumpanya na] gumagawa ng gatas ng bata pero yung manggagawa nito ay siil ng karapatan pati sa sahod,” inilahad ni Mar Almario, miyembro ng Samahan ng manggagawang kontraktwal (SAMA-AKO) sa Wyeth.

 

Anim na buwan matapos bilhin ng Nestlé and Wyeth, itinanggal sa trabaho ang 87 na mga manggagawa. Mula noon ay idinulog nila ang kanilang pagbabalik-trabaho sa National Labor Relations Commission – Calamba Office at nagprotesta sa harap ng planta sa Makati. Nanalo sila sa kanilang laban sa Court of Appeals at simula noon ay itinayo nila ang Wyeth 87.

Ayon sa pinakabagong datos ng Kilusang Mayo Uno-Metro Manila, umabot na sa 80% ang mga manggagawang kontraktwal.

Nilahad ng tagapagsalita ng Alyansa ng mga Manggagagawa Laban sa Kontraktwalisasyon (ALMAKON) na si Renato Robles na may iba’t ibang mukha ang kontraktwalisasyon. Ilan dito ay ang outsourcing, casual, apprentice, job order, seasonal workers, at project-based na pare-parehas lang ang nagiging kalagayan ng manggagawa.

 

Binuo ng 300 na manggagawa ang ALMAKON nitong Setyembre 25 upang makiisa sa laban sa kontraktwalisasyon.

Paglaban sa nagpapatuloy na mga anti-manggagawang polisiya

Noong Eleksyon 2016, naging malaking kampanya ng mga kandidato ng pagkapangulo ng bansa ang pagpuputol ng “endo” o end of contract – na nangangahulugang pagtatapos ng anim na buwang pagtatrabaho ng manggagawa sa pagawaan at mag-aaplay ulit ng anim na buwan para magpatuloy sa pagtratrabaho.

Si Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte ang pangunahing nagsumbat at sinabi sa isang presidential debate na, “Endo must stop!”

Makalipas naman ang kanyang unang anim ng buwan sa panunungkulan, patuloy pa rin ang kontraktuwalisasyon sa bansa. Hindi pa rin naipapatupad ang proklamasyon ng pagbabasura nito – kasama ang pagpapatuloy ng “no union, no strike policy” at mas mababang pa sa subsistence wage na pasweldo.

 

“Naninindigan kami na dapat talikuran ni Pangulong Duterte itong Marcosian policies at kung may dapat maging huwaran, dapat maging halimbawa niya si Andres Bonifacio,” ani ni Bong Labog, tagapangulo ng KMU.

Gaya ng diwang rebolusyonaryo ni Andres Bonifacio, naninindigan ang mga manggagawa na marapat lang labanan ang pangongontrol ng ibang bansa para makalaya ang mga manggagawa sa pagkatali sa mga neoliberal na polisiyang nananamantala sa mga manggagawa.

 

“Mga kababayan, malinaw na hanggang sa kasalukuyan, walang pundamental na pagbabago sa ating bansa mula sa kolonyalistang Espanyol hanggang sa kasalukuyan […] Nananatili ang pulitikal na kontrol ng imperyalistong Estados Unidos, nananatili ang militar sa kontrol ng Estados Unidos sa rehimeng ni Duterte,” sabi ni Jerome Adonis, tagapagsalita ng KMU.

Sinusulong din ng mga progresibong grupo ng mga manggagawa na dapat isagawa ni Pangulong Duterte ang mga proklamasyong pagputol ng hindi pantay na tratado sa Estados Unidos dahil ang mga kasunduang ito ang lalong nagpapalugmok sa mga manggagawa at kanilang pamilya sa kahirapan.

 

“Kasama sa laban ang lahat ng uring manggagawa sa Laguna at sa iba pang lugar dito sa Maynila. Kaming mga mangagawa ay hindi titigil hangga’t hindi nakakamit ang tagumpay!” badya ni Hinggan.

The post Pamana ni Marcos: pahirap sa manggagawa appeared first on Manila Today.

December last year, Cho-an Ocasla gave birth to a stillborn child. Until today she is baffled at how soon a heartbeat can go away. The baby was still kicking around until late, she says, but when she gave birth he was all dark and stiff.

This year, it’s her father who died in her arms.

Cho-an, 25, and her father Bernabe Ocasla, 66, had been hunkered down in a gurney for four days along the corridor in the male ward of Jose Reyes Memorial Medical Center, near a window that opened to Taft Avenue. Beds were unavailable, as in any public hospital. Bernabe was just any other charity patient, save he had a yellow shirt and a uniformed BJMP guard on watch. Last Friday, November 25, the same day as the huge protest against the furtive Marcos burial, he suffered a stroke in jail and went into comatose. He was in court the day before, in high spirits as news of releases of political prisoners were echoed by the government yet again. Bernabe is on the priority list submitted by the National Democratic Front (NDFP) for release on humanitarian grounds.

Cho-an says her father fiercely believed in the government’s commitment and always held a well-creased document with signatures along the edges. The names of Bernabe’s co-accused, consultants of the NDFP, are on that document, the latest Joint Statement from Oslo, Norway brokered after several rounds of formal and informal negotiations with the Philippine government. In August 2016, three of Bernabe’s co-accused – Benito Tiamzon, Wilma Austria-Tiamzon, and Adelberto Silva – were released on bail. Bernabe and four others detained at the Manila City Jail hoped to be next in line. But none of the further releases, as promised, has happened.

Bernabe is accused of being among New People’s Army local leaders who arrested Samar farmers in an alleged witch hunt of deep penetration agents. He was implicated in a massive trumped-up charge, part of the legal offensive against progressive and communist leaders. He was transferred in 2014 from the Samar provincial jail, where he was first kept, to Manila where the hearings of the case, highly-controversial, were held. Cho-an scoffs at this. She recalled that since she was born, his father was never away so it was impossible that he could have been a member of the NPA when he was arrested.

At 16, because her father had been arrested, Cho-an quit school to work for the family. With six living siblings, there was not enough money to go around. With tears welling up, Cho-an says wistfully, she could only bring vegetables to jail when she visits. Sometimes, meat and fish when there is money left after sending most home. Overly-congested, reliant on hierarchy of force, the city jail seemed no place for a slight man of few words. But being the rural farmer that he is, Bernabe would be content with salt, vinegar, and teaspoonsful of diced onions for dinner.

Even while pregnant, and despite tiring work as a cashier at Isetann Recto, Cho-an always made time to visit. My father was the family’s rock, she says. When she gave the sad news that her baby Niño Lian did not survive, Bernabe buoyed her spirit strong. In turn she regaled her father with places they would go to and eat at. “Pag mayaman na ako, pa, at pag malaya ka na” [when I get rich, and when you are free], she promised.

Cho-an’s mother Perla and three siblings rushed in from Samar on November 28, 2016. Their family has been through so much, Cho-an doesn’t quite know what to pray for next. Within half an hour of reuniting, Bernabe had a third, fatal stroke. His pass out from jail is a death certificate.

“Nakalaya man ang tatay ko, nasa kabaong naman [My father was released, but only through his coffin],” Cho-an cries angrily. “Sinong makikinig sa aming mga maliliit na tao? Sinong magbibigay sa amin ng hustisya? [Who will listen to us small people? Who will give us justice?]”

The post A political prisoner’s daughter’s sorrow appeared first on Manila Today.

“The release of political prisoners is a matter of justice, it is a matter of life and death,” said Rey Casambre, Executive Director of the Philippine Peace Center and political consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) in a press conference in Quezon City on December 2.

Bernabe Ocasla, 66 years old, a political prisoner for nine years died in Jose Reyes Memorial Hospital in Manila after his third and fatal cardiac arrest on November 28. He was in coma for three days after his blood pressure increased due to hypertension.

A peasant organizer from Calbiga, Samar, Ocasla was among the more than 70 respondents—including Benito and Wilma Tiamzon, Randall Echanis, Rafael Baylosis, Vicente Ladlad and Adelberto Silva—to a multiple murder case from a mass grave in Hilongos, Leyte filed by the Armed Forces of the Philippines. He was arrested in 2007.

Ocasla was among the 401 political prisoners listed as one of the the priorities and submitted by Karapatan to the NDFP and Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) to be considered for release, following signed agreements by both parties in line with the peace talks.

“Natupad ang pangarap ng papa ko na makalaya pero nakalaya siya na nasa kabaong na (My father’s dream to be released from prison came true, but he will be released in a coffin),” said Choan Ocasla in between sobs during the press conference. Choan is the daughter of Bernabe Ocasla who is now working as a cashier in a mall in Manila.

Choan said that his father’s death would not have happened if the government fulfilled its promise to release political prisoners.

But since August 2016, only 19 has been released in line with the peace talks. Most of them were NDFP peace consultants and individuals protected by another peace talks signed agreement, the Joint Immunity on Safety and Immunity Guarantees. The released 19 participated in the first and second round of the peace talks, in August and October respectively. These releases were part of the agreement in the preliminary talks in Oslo in June before President Rodrigo Duterte took his oath of office. Two rounds of talks after, no releases followed.

“In the peace process (between the GRP and NDFP), there are agreements clearly stating the end the criminalization of political offenses, adhere to the Hernandez doctrine and release political prisoners,” said Casambre.

In the Joint Statement on the Second Round of Talks Between the GRP and the NDFP signed on October 9, 2016 in Oslo, Norway, the GRP affirmed its commitment to work for the release of the political prisoners. Both parties also agreed that the release of Joint Agreement for the Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) protected NDFP consultants, Eduardo Sarmiento, Emeterio Antalan and Leopoldo Caloza will be expedited through presidential clemency. The three consultants detained at the National Bilibid Prison are already convicted of alleged trumped-up cases.

The Comprehensive Agreement for the Respect of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) signed between the NDFP and GRP in 1998 also agreed that the GRP shall abide by the People vs. Hernandez (99 Phil. 515, July 18, 1956) doctrine which was further elaborated in People vs. Geronimo (100 Phil. 90, October 13, 1956).

Part III, Article 6 of the CARHRIHL states that the GRP “shall forthwith review the cases of all prisoners or detainees who have been charged, detained, or convicted contrary to this doctrine, and shall immediately release them.”

As of October 31, 2016, of the 401 political prisoners detained in different detention facilities across the country, 130 of them are sickly, 33 are elderly, 33 are women. Four NDFP consultants are still still detained, where the three are already convicted, according to Karapatan.

Existence of political prisoners as a state policy

“The existence of political prisoners persists not because of the individual faults of the police or the court but because it is a continuing state policy since Martial Law until the present,” said Casambre.

Casambre cited Oplan Bayanihan, the government’s National Internal Security plan or counter-insurgency program.

“Non-bailable offenses are charged with the clear intention to prevent them from getting out of prison,” Casambre added.

“The continuing militarization in communities, which result to these arrests, happen under the government’s counter insurgency program, Oplan Bayanihan, which is being implemented since President Noynoy Aquino,” according to Karapatan Secretary General Cristina Palabay.

Palabay said that the Oplan Bayanihan is no different from the past administrations’ Oplans (operation plan), that have the main objective of crushing revolutionary groups in the country.

“The problem with these Oplans is that they do not resolve the root causes of the armed conflict. It only causes widespread human rights violations among the civilians,” Palabay added. 

Deadly prison conditions

Renato Baleros, NDFP consultant who was released in August in line with the peace talks, recalled the difficult life in prison.

“Mahirap ang pagkain, bababa ang morale mo. Kung magtatagal sa loob (ng kulungan) ay talagang mamamatay ang nakakulong dahil nakakalason ang hangin na nalalanghap sa loob hanggang magkasakit ka, wala rin namang regular na medikal na atensyon na nakukuha (The food is difficult, your morale will dwindle. A detainee might die in prison because of the poisonous air inside until you will get sick and we do not get regular medical attention),” said Renato Baleros, NDFP consultant who was released in August in line with the peace talks.

While in detention, Baleros suffered from lungs, liver and kidney problems and was brought to the National Kidney and Transplant Institute (NKTI) in Quezon City July this year. He was then detained at the Samar Provincial Jail in Catbalogan, Samar.

“Kung hindi ako nadala sa ospital ay maaaring namatay na rin (I could have died if I was not brought to the hospital),” said Baleros. 

Political prisoners are good people, freedom fighters

“Political prisoners are not criminals, they fight for the advancement of people’s rights, they fight for genuine change in our society,” said Cristina Palabay, Karapatan’s Secretary-General.

Gloria Almonte, wife of political prisoner Dionisio Almonte, shared with Manila Today that ever since 1978, her husband has been an organizer among students and peasants in Southern Tagalog advocating for their rights and social change.

“Kilala siyang mabuting tao at mahusay na makisama. Kinikilala siya dahil maayos ang kanyang pakikipagrelasyon sa kapwa, tumutulong sa pag-aayos ng problema ng kanyang mga kababayan (He is known as a good person and he relates well with people. He is well respected because he helps the people in resolving their problems),” said Almonte.

Almonte said that anywhere he goes, people will look for him just to consult their problems including land problems and family conflict.

Dionisio was arrested in Valenzuela City on January 9, 2014 and is currently detained at the Special Intensive Care Area-1 at Camp Bagong Diwa in Taguig City. He is one of the severely ill political prisoners suffering from diabetes, ailments in the prostate, hypertension, slip disc and recently acquired tuberculosis inside the prison.

GRP compliance

In the past weeks, GRP Chief Negotiator and Labor Secretary Silvestre ‘Bebot’ Bello III has repeatedly said that they will release 50 political prisoners before December 10.

However, in a statement the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) assailed the GRP’s plan.

“The planned release of a mere 40-50 political prisoners is an unacceptable token,” said the CPP. “Worse, they are being made to go through a tedious legal process which add to their agonizing legal ordeal after being made to face trumped up criminal charges, typically, possession of explosives which are unbailable.”

On the same day, Bello said in a statement that President Rodrigo Duterte signed an order granting presidential pardon to four political prisoners.

“These rebels have long been recommended for pardon but the previous government did not sign the draft order to release them,” said Bello.

The four political prisoners were identified as farmers Martin Villanueva (detained in New Bilibid Prison), Bonifacio Suyon and Dindo Absalon (detained in Leyte Regional Prison) and Rico Bodina (detained in Iwahig Prison and Penal Farm).

Karapatan said the names of the four have been submitted to the Presidential Committee on Bail, Recognizance and Pardon and recommended to former President Benigno Aquino III, who did not act on their release.

“We hope that the rest of the 400 political prisoners will not suffer the fate of the four, who had to wait for government action for many years to see the day when they can be with their families again, nor that of the deceased political prisoner Bernabe Ocasla,” said Palabay in a statement.

 Hunger strike for the release all political prisoners

“In behalf of the families of political prisoners, I am calling on President Duterte to release all political prisoners since he had promised this since the campaign period, when he became president and during his talks with NDFP consultants in Malacañang,” said Almonte.

Baleros reiterated the call and said that the government should comply with its obligation to release all political prisoners.

Political prisoners in different detention centers across the country are set to hold a hunger strike on December 3-10 to amplify the call for their release. Their families, former detainees and NDFP consultants are supporting them with a fasting at Mendiola bridge in Manila on the same dates.

The post Release of political prisoners is a life and death matter appeared first on Manila Today.

The post Sana sa Pasko appeared first on Manila Today.

The post Tales from the Hoodie #1 appeared first on Manila Today.

The post Mga alaala ni Tanya appeared first on Manila Today.

Maaaring hindi ka nila kilala dahil wala ka namang pusisyong pang-nasyunal o anumang prominenteng katayuan. Isa kang organisador sa komunidad at sa mga eskwelahang nililibutan. Ikaw ang Kuya, Tatay, kaibigan at kasama ng lahat. At kahit makulit minsan at napapagalitan, walang duda namang may pagpapahalaga ka nang sobra sa mga gawaing ini-atas.

Agosto 2008, doon sa Lawa ng Laguna kita unang nakilala. Nakipamuhay ka ng ilang araw sa mga mangingisdang may banta ng demolisyon mula sa gobyernong ang kinakatigan ay ang mga kapitalistang magtatayo raw ng ‘mall’ sa erya. Ilang buwan ka ring nakasama, na tulad din ni Tanya, sa piket ng mga manggagawang tinanggal sa Kowloon House. Mainstay tayo roon. Nagbabantay na hindi mabuwag ng mga sikyu ang mga kubol. Nakikipag-usap, nakikipamuhay at tumutulong sa abot ng ating makakayang mapataas ang kamulatan ng mga manggagawang nawalan ng trabaho’t araw-gabing natutulog sa kalsada.

Madalas din, ikaw ang kasa-kasamang lumilibot sa mga paaralang nakatoka sa atin. Nangungumusta sa mga estudyanteng miyembro ng masang organisasyong pang-kabataan na ating kinabibilangan. Maging sa komyu, ikaw ang sumuyod sa mga bahay-bahay upang makapagpadalo sa porum tungkol sa kontra kulim-VAT (Value Added Tax) at sa Cha-Cha ni Gloria. Matiyaga kang nagpaliwanag sa mga nanay at tatay kung bakit kailangang tutulan ang mga ito at kung bakit kailangang sama-samang kumilos at lumaban ang mamamayan.

Sa ilang mga pag-uusap natin noon, nasabi mong marami kang nagawang kalokohan noong kabataan mo. Pero napagtanto mo, tumatanda ka na at kailangan nang magbago — tulad ng pagbabagong dapat mangyari sa lipunan. Kaya naman nagsikhay kang magpanibagong-hubog, at ika mo nga, kahit matanda na, ay hindi pa huli ang lahat para magsimulang kumilos.

Alam mo ang solusyon kaya’t sinuong mo ang hamon ng panahon. Noon pa man ay gusto mo nang gampanan ang tungkuling ito. Sa tuwing may aalis ay tila gusto mo nang sumama. At nito ko lang din nalaman na natupad mo ito.

Maaaring hindi ka nila kilala dahil hindi naman nila nakita ang iyong mga nagawa. Pero kasama, sa pagpanaw mo ay manalig kang malaki ang iyong nai-ambag. At mahimlay ka sanang ang nasa isip ay hindi ka tumanda nang walang pinagkatandaan.

Bruks, ikaw ang nagpapaalala sa akin ng pinaka-paborito kong tula:

“Mga Apulitikal na Intelektwal*”

Isang araw
ang mga apulitikal
na intelektwal
ng aking bansa
ay uusigin
ng pinakapayak
sa mga mamamayan.

Tatanungin sila
kung ano ang ginawa nila
habang ang kanilang bansa’y naghihingalo
nang dahan-dahan,
tulad ng matamis na apoy
mumunti at nangungulila.

Walang magtatanong sa kanila
tungkol sa kanilang magagarang damit,
sa mahahaba nilang siyesta
matapos ang tanghalian,
walang magnanais makaalam
tungkol sa kanilang malinis na pakikitunggali
sa “ang ideya
ng wala”
walang makikialam tungkol
sa kanilang kalaamang pampinansiya.

Hindi sila tatanungin
tungkol sa mitolohiyang Griyego,
o tungkol sa kanilang pagkamuhi sa sarili
kapag ang isa sa kanila
ay nagsimulang mamatay
sa duwag na paraan.

Hindi sila tatangungin
tungkol sa kanilang absurdong
mga pagbibigay-katwiran,
isinilang sa anino
ng buong kasinungalingan.

Sa araw na iyon
darating ang simpleng mga tao.

Silang mga walang lugar
sa mga aklat at mga tula
ng apulitikal na mga intelektwal,
pero araw-araw na naghahatid
ng tinapay at gatas,
tortilya at itlog,
silang mga nagmamaneho ng kanilang kotse,
silang nag-alaga ng kanilang aso’t mga hardin
at nagtrabaho para sa kanila,
at itatanong nila:

“Ano ang inyong ginawa nang ang mga dukha
ay nagdusa, nang ang pagkalinga
at buhay
ay tumakas mula sa kanila?”

Apulitikal na mga intelektwal
ng mahal kong bansa,
hindi kayo makasasagot.

Isang buwitre ng katahimikan
ang sasakmal sa inyong bituka.

Ang sarili ninyong kalungkutan
ay uuk-ok sa inyong kaluluwa.
At mapipipi kayo sa inyong kahihiyan.

At ikaw, Bruks — ikaw na simpleng tao at walang lugar sa aklat at mga tula ng mga apulitikal na intelektwal — ay tumungo sa kanayunan upang ipagtanggol nang walang kapalit ang nagdurusang mga dukha. Hinding-hindi ka dapat mapipi sa kahihiyan. Buhay ang diwa mo sa bawat masang iyong pinaglingkuran. At hindi kailanman masusukat ang iyong pagkatao sa dami ng kalokohang iyong nagawa sa panahon ng iyong kabataan, maging hindi sa ikli o haba ng iyong buhay, kundi sa halaga at kabuluhan ng mga nagawa mo para sa masang api at pinagsasamantalahan — maliit man o malaki, anuman ang naging paraan ng iyong pagpanaw. Tiyak, maraming susunod sa ‘yong mga yapak at magtutuloy ng ating laban.

Paalam, Bruks. Hanggang sa muli at sa tagumpay.

Si Alberto “Bruks” Delloro ay isang lider maralita at organisador mula sa Intramuros. Siya ay dating nalulong sa ng droga ngunit tinalikuran ito nang siya’y mamulat at maorganisa. Nagbagong buhay si Bruks. Tumungo siya sa kanayunan at inilaan ang buhay para paglingkuran ang sambayanan.

*Isinalin ni Soliman Santos mula sa Ingles ang “Apolitical Intellectuals” ni Otto Rene Castillo.

Basahin ang iba pang kwento tungkol sa mga kabataang martir dito.

The post Para kay Bruks: Simpleng Tao, Kuya, Tatay, Kaibigan at Kasama appeared first on Manila Today.

This piece was written in 2006. 

She showed me a scar on her left leg. It was our first meeting in a long time, and that she had been shot was an unwelcome detail in her long story. What else might my sister have gone through?  I asked how it happened. 

“Well, a kasama was cleaning his rifle.  It just went off,” she remarked with a nonchalance that showed how she had been steeled in the people’s struggle against the Marcos dictatorship.

I did not anticipate meeting my sister at all. She was deep in the underground movement against the Marcos military regime, and I was a political detainee who had just been granted provisional liberty. One day, however — I am unsure now whether it was in late 1976 or early 1977, she sent me a message:  She would like to see me. And so, there we were, sharing stories in a peasant’s house in an interior village in Calauan, Laguna.

In July of 1977, I got another letter from her. She wanted to see me again, this time, somewhere in Katipunan, Quezon City. She waved by the roadside. As she spoke of a problem that I sensed to be rather serious, she carried her signature countenance — pleasant, reassuring.

“We need help, Kuya. We are missing a couple of our members.”

“What do you mean ‘missing’?”

“We suspect that they have been taken in by the military. Our posts are under surveillance. We are being trailed.”

“We need to transfer to another house,” added my sister’s companion.

I knew precisely what kind of help they badly needed.

“OK, I’ll have one house ready for you,” I assured them.

We agreed on the details of our next meeting.

My sister did not come, even as I waited long enough.

That got me worried.  Shortly afterwards, Estrell Consolacion, a former member of Panday-Sining, who had contacts with the underground, confirmed my worst fears. My sister was now among the missing.

In September 1977, about two months after that fateful meeting, my play, the daring anti-dictatorship liturgy “Pagsambang Bayan (People’s Worship),” was performed by the UP Repertory at the University of the Philippines, directed by Behn Cervantes.  It was only the fifth year of the Marcos martial law regime. Nevertheless, in the playbill, I dedicated it to my sister Lina and her seven companions who disappeared without a trace. (I did not know at that time that there were 10 of them in the group.) They were all activists belonging to the anti-martial law network of the people’s movement in Southern Tagalog (ST). Some of them, like my sister, worked underground, while others performed functions aboveground. Due to the circumstances surrounding their disappearance, there was absolutely no doubt in my mind that their abductors were government military intelligence operatives.

It was July 31, 1977. Atty. Bienvenido Faustino was belatedly celebrating his 48^th birthday with the family. In the middle of the merriment, Gerry, the elder of his two children, arrived to greet him. But he would not stay long.

“C’mon, Kuya,” Joey, Gerry’s younger brother, needled him, “stay, so we can have a drink!”

Gerry ruffled his brother’s hair. Joey was just 13.

Atty. Faustino wanted Gerry to stay, too, but knew that the son had to leave. Gerry was in his junior year at the UP College of Agriculture in Los Baños, Laguna. The campus was a long trip from Novaliches, Quezon City. Gerry was always home on weekends – until he became involved in the movement.

“Be careful, Gerry,” the father said.

Atty. Faustino knew what the “movement” was about. It was all about fighting a government that throve on repression to impose its will on the people, and its willing instrument was the whole military apparatus that, ironically, was sworn to serve the citizenry. The movement was about fighting a system that exploited and oppressed the masses, the masa who were getting poorer by the day while an elite class wallowed in wealth and abundance. How could he have the heart to prevent his son from being involved in such a movement?

“Just be very careful, my son.”

In fact, Gerry wanted to be a soldier, and had wished to enter the Philippine Military Academy.  But he acquired a social consciousness early enough to make him change his mind.  He took up agriculture because he thought that it was the better choice to help the people. In the UP College of Agriculture, however, and in the context of the despotic martial rule, there was an even better option: to take part in the mass movement for freedom and democracy.

Gerry did not proceed to the campus. He was first attending an important conference of the movement. He passed by the house of Marie Jopson in San Francisco del Monte.

“If I am not back after five days, start looking for me,” he told Marie, a student leader in UP Los Baños who was also involved in the activist network.

Marie was the elder sister of his girlfriend, fellow activist Bobbi Jopson, to whom Gerry had also given the same ominous advisory.  Bobbi was not home. She was in Los Baños. Gerry, Marie and Bobbi were members of the University of the Philippines Student Catholic Action. The church organization provided them with a cover for the risky affairs of the movement.

Gerry fetched Jessica Sales in another part of the city. They proceeded somewhere in Makati going to the underground conference.

Five days passed, and no Gerry reappeared. In Los Baños, meanwhile, a boarding house adjacent to the campus where Gerry lived had already been ransacked by unidentified men.

Modesto “Bong” Sison started out in the movement in 1971 as a member of the Khi Rho in Davao, in Mindanao. Khi Rho was very much unlike the radical organizations which Marcos branded as “communist fronts” in Proclamation 1081, the decree imposing martial rule all over the Philippines. Some said that Khi Rho was in fact a reformist organization, and proof was that it was closely allied with a big church-led peasant organization that eschewed the Left.

Over the years, Bong, who graduated from the Ateneo de Davao and was a teacher in Davao Oriental, had a change of political orientation. He became a Leftist, a radical, which meant that he understood that a social movement that aimed at transforming society had to strike at the roots of the problems of the people. “Radical” originated from the Latin “radix,” meaning, roots.

In 1976, Bong and his family transferred to Luzon, in the province of Cavite. Bong was rarely home. An underground cadre who was working fulltime in the movement was not supposed to be routinely home. In the mountain villages of Quezon, he had almost died of pneumonia. He survived, but was reduced to skin and bones.

His wife Eileen was aghast upon seeing him.

“You need to rest, Bong.” You can’t do much from a sick bed.”

“I know,” Bong replied.

Perhaps it was an answer that he didn’t mean and only uttered to avoid a long discussion.  Bong left again, even as Eileen reminded him about their son’s first birthday. He did not promise to be back, but in his heart of hearts, Bong wanted to make it a family reunion on his son’s first birthday. Another child, a daughter who was four years old, was also missing him a lot.

The birthday passed, and Bong did not make it home. Eileen fought the bitterness – because she was the activist before Bong became one himself. She was the one who initiated him into the movement, even before they became husband and wife.

In Manila, meanwhile, Bong materialized in his sister’s clinic in Vito Cruz. It was July 26, 1977.

“Well!” the doctora said, pleasantly surprised.  Among the Sison siblings, they were closest to one another.

Every time Bong appeared in her clinic, which was not often, she gave him pocket money. It was a modest way to help him in his crusade. That afternoon, she was a bit surprised when it was Bong who invited her for snacks. The nearby Dayrit’s restaurant served generous sandwiches, so Bong ordered just one hamburger which they shared.  He was his usual jovial self, though there was not much to talk about. Bong told stories only on a “need to know” basis.  His sister understood.  It was enough that they shared precious moments together, and enjoyed the hamburger sandwich.

“What was that?” intrigued, the doctora asked when Bong had left. “Some sort of a farewell?’

Almost two weeks since leaving Cavite, there was not a word from Bong. Eileen sensed that something could be wrong. She decided to visit UP Los Baños, where she knew one person whom Bong had previously introduced to her. It was Jessica Sales.

“Should you receive information that something has happened to me, get in touch with Jessica.”

Jessica Sales was an instructor who was also taking up a master’s degree in rural sociology.  In the sociology department, however, Jessica was also being sorely missed.  She had been absent for almost two weeks already.

One late night in July 1977, Cristina “Tina” Catalla came home. Like my sister Lina, she was an underground cadre in ST, and a student at UP Los Baños.

“Good Lord, where have you been?” asked Tina’s Ate Yoly.

Tina, brows knitted, asked back, “Why?”

“Your feet. Looks like you have been marching barefoot. Do they hurt?”

Tina smiled.  She did not realize that her feet, all bruised, were showing.  Of course they hurt.

“How long are you staying this time, Tina?”

“Just for tonight.”

Yoly wanted to argue, but she knew it was going to be futile. Tina was always in a hurry. In fact, early the following morning, she was gone.

In her office in Manila, Yoly had a surprise guest.

“I am a friend of Tina,” he said.

Yoly felt cold at hearing her sister’s name. She waited for the guest to speak some more.

“She has been arrested. But we don’t know where she was taken. Please, please start looking for her.”

Yoly froze. What was she to say or do? She didn’t know the man who was talking to her. He could be an impostor who only wanted to fish information about Tina. The man was gone in an instant. Then Yoly remembered what Tina had told her a couple of times: “If anything happens to me, you would know.”

Yoly ran out of the lobby after the messenger, but he was gone.

Lina. Gerry Faustino. Jessica Sales. Modesto “Bong” Sison. Cristina “Tina” Catalla. Add to the list:  Ramon Jasul — college student, writer. Emmanuel Salvacruz – college student, writer.  Salvador Panganiban. Virgilio Silva. Erwin de la Torre. (I have yet to get a lead on the last three.)  They are the Southern Tagalog (ST) 10. On record, they constitute the single biggest case of involuntary disappearance and summary execution perpetrated by the Armed Forces of the Philippines in the entire history of the Marcos martial law in the Philippines. 

Bong Sison’s corpse was dug up in a common grave in Lucena City, Quezon, while those of Salvador Panganiban and Virgilio Silva were retrieved in a ravine in Tagaytay, Cavite. The fate of the rest remains uncertain till now, although I am convinced that all had also been killed by their abductors, and the women raped.

Why am I saying this?

A year before the ST 10 were arrested, three activists met the same fate as the group did. They were Adora Faye de Vera, Rolando Federis and Flora Coronacion. Rolando and Flora were executed. Adora lived to tell the story.

Part of her testimony said: “The following days, we were still not allowed to dress.  Rolando had to sleep naked on the cold cement floor without any bedding. Corporal Alberto Trapal and a civilian called Severino P took turns in burning my fingernails and toenails with cigarettes, stroking my thighs and pulling the hair of my legs.”

“On October 13, Corporal Charlie Tolopia and a civilian named Rodolfo took me to the bartolina where Corporal Trapal and Severino P subjected me to sexual indignities, touching my private parts while uttering obscenities.”

“On October 14, I was raped by Captain Eduardo Sebastian as his method of extracting information.  Because I had no information to give, I was abused sexually from 12:00 o’clock noon to past 3 p.m. After this, I was also made to undress by Captain Jesus Calaunan, and later that evening, by Lieutenant Joseph Malilay. When Flora was finally allowed to talk with me that evening, she confided that Welen Escudero and Florante Macatangay had raped her the previous days. After supper, she was taken to the small room by Private First Class Alex Estores, and when she came out crying, she confided again to me that she was raped.”

The military men named by Adora belonged to the composite intelligence Ground Team (GT) 205 of the Armed Forces of the Philippines which she identified to be the same team that worked on — trailed and abducted — the ST 10. Adora had first-hand information. She was taken along by GT 205 whenever it changed safehouses in Lucena City and in the Manila area — as this intelligence team went in hot pursuit of the activists who would be called the ST 10.

GT 205 was composed of operatives of the 2^nd Military Intelligence Group (Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines), 2^nd Constabulary Security Unit, and the 231^st Company (both of the Philippine Constabulary, the precursor of today’s Philippine National Police). Led by Colonel Alejandro Gallido, it had about 24 operatives whom Adora named in her testimony, including military, police, and civilian elements. The officers included two majors, two captains and one first lieutenant. After the so-called People Power Revolution that toppled the dictator Marcos in 1986, GT 205’s chieftain Col. Gallido would be promoted to general.

Read more stories during Martial Law in the Philippines here.

The case of the the ST 10 is a high point in the series of human rights violations perpetrated by soldiers and agents of the state acting in supreme authority of the Marcos government. The incidents formed a practice, a tradition no less, which thrives till the present. The bloody scoreboard since President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo assumed power in 2001 says that 573 persons belonging to activist organizations had already been summarily executed. As of now, Southern Tagalog scores among the highest in terms of the number of victims of political extrajudicial killings, euphemistically called “salvaging” in the Marcos martial law years.

Government accountability for these crimes did not cease when Marcos was thrown out of power in 1986. Government accountability, in the case of the ST 10 and in all the cases of human rights violations in the Philippines, remains to date because it – the government as a continuing institution — persists to harbor the criminals, looks the other way around, and in fact, rewards them with promotions.

What befell Adora Faye de Vera, Rolando Federis, Flora Coronacion and the ST 10 was an utterly beastly crime that has violated all laws of the land as well as all international conventions and standards for respecting human rights and treating political dissenters.  To date, not one among the thousands of cases of human rights violations that were documented and filed has ever been solved in the Philippines. This is not to say, however, that we can simply relegate the cases to the filing cabinet and let them gather dust.

For some, the 29 years that passed might have eased the pain and the passion to seek justice. “Diyos na ang bahala.” God will provide. For some, that could be some kind of a settlement. But it does not justify that we allow a situation where the victims are all but forgotten and where they become mere names even to their children and their own families.

On December 10, 2002, International Human Rights Day, families and friends of the ST 10 met with the newly installed president of the Philippines, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in the State Dining Room of the Malacañang Palace to petition for a revival of the case. National Defense Secretary Angelo Reyes and Acting Justice Secretary Merceditas Gutierrez were in attendance.

Over breakfast, I read a letter to the President, part of which says: “Madame President, we are among the thousands of Filipino families who are bonded together by the same pain of “salvaging” and forced disappearance of our loved ones, especially during the years of Martial Law.

“Some 25 years and three administrations have passed since the case of the Southern Tagalog 10 happened. The families of the “salvaged” and the disappeared have died one after another, waiting to the last minute for the final word on their kin. The surviving members of the families continue to hope for justice, or perhaps even for the bones of the missing.

“When we met last July, we celebrated the lives of our martyred beloved – and asked if that could be enough for a closure to our collective grief. Some fell silent and were once again unable to bear the burden. But there were those who declared that we must rekindle the quest for justice one more time.

“In all humility, may we present to you five items for your consideration: One, that the state take full responsibility for the case of the Southern Tagalog 10; two, that your administration declare a policy against the practices of “salvaging” and forced disappearance; and three, that an investigation be conducted regarding the case of the Southern Tagalog 10.

“In this connection, military files and information relating to the case of the Southern Tagalog 10, as well as to all reported cases of “salvaging” and forced disappearance, must be declassified.

“We pray that your administration assists us in finding the remains of our loved ones, assuming them to be dead by now.”

I could see that the President was all ears. She was looking at me and nodding as I read the letter. She could very well have been acting. Nothing came out of the meeting. (My note: In fact, the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo presidency continued one of the Marcos martial law “best practices” of political abductions and extrajudicial killings.)

Whoever said that Filipinos have a short memory is probably correct. And that is precisely why we need to perpetuate the memory of our loved ones who made the supreme sacrifice so that, one day soon, we may begin to live in justice, freedom and democracy.

But it is not only in their honor that Filipinos need to always remember and never to forget. It is, more so, for the sake of the generations to come.  Those who are unable to remember the past – and learn its lessons — will never be able to create a future for their own.  Without a remembrance and a learning of the past, they will forever be enslaved.

Today, the greater tragedy is not that our loved ones went missing some 29 years ago. The greater tragedy is that those they left behind have forgotten what had befallen them, and why.

Ramon Jasul was called Monching in the family. He was much loved. He held so much promise; he had many dreams for himself and his family. But the reality of a society gone awry dawned upon him. Way back in 1970, when Monching was still in school, the Philippines had been described as a social volcano at the throes of a violent eruption. A resurgent people’s movement for social change was sweeping over the land, and the generation of Monching – including the rest of the ST 10 – got caught in it.

“Monching,” his mother pleaded, “could there be other ways for you to get involved in the movement?” The old woman had reason to fear. An elder son, Alfredo, had already been killed by soldiers. “I don’t want to lose another son.”

“We are seven in the family, Nanay.” Monching still counted the dead.

“Six,” the mother corrected him.

“Yes, Nanay. There are six of us remaining. When I leave, there is still going to be five of your children with you. Won’t you give just one more of us to the country we all love? I hope you will let me go, Nanay.”

His mother wept as Monching left. And he was never again seen.

It has been 29 years, yet the voice of Monching has retained a peculiar resonance by which all of us may remember the ST 10 and their tribe.

The post Resonance: The Southern Tagalog 10 appeared first on Manila Today.

In a press conference at Mendiola on December 7, Karapatan Secretary General Cristina Palabay said that political prisoners are holding a hunger strike to appeal to the government to fulfill its commitment and obligation to release political prisoners.

“This (release of political prisoners) is their commitment and obligation, not a charity case, nor a favor, neither a gambling game where political prisoners can be used as bargaining chips for any bilateral ceasefire agreement,” said Palabay.

Read: Release of political prisoners is a life and death matter

A peace booth was set up by Karapatan in Mendiola where relatives and supporters of political prisoners are holding a fasting to support the hunger strike of political prisoners in various detention centers around the country since December 2 to call for their release. As of December 7, 76 political prisoners are on hunger strike while 122 who are elderly and sick and cannot participate in the hunger strike are fasting in different detention centers across the country.

However, Presidential Peace Adviser Jesus Dureza is distressed with the ongoing protests and calls to release political prisoners.

“We are appalled why some sectors are now even publicly attacking government for “not delivering enough” and for the perceived delay. Those mass actions and media attacks serve as good reminders for us in government that we need to do more. But putting undue public pressure on the government which has already taken unprecedented steps may not yield their intended results,” said Dureza in a statement.

Karapatan, on December 6, responded to Dureza: “If it’s the fasting of the political prisoners, their relatives and peace advocates is considered the ‘undue pressure on the government,’ we remind Sec. Dureza that every mass action, in all its forms are well within the bounds of the rights of citizens to demonstrate. Dureza has to understand that we will not sit down and wait for his office to do something. As long as there are political prisoners, we will continue to call for their release, in every way possible,” Palabay said.

Sharon Cabusao of Gabriela and a former political prisoner, also assailed Dureza’s statement.

“We, supporters and relatives, have all the right to seek redress for our grievance on the delay of the release of political prisoners, he should not be insensitive with regards to justice for the many political prisoners who are being held hostage for the peace talks,” said Cabusao.

Cabusao added that the government should not be sensitive to criticisms from the people.

In Congress, Gabriela Women’s Party-list Representative Arlene Brosas delivered a privilege speech on December 6 in the House of Representative calling for the release of political prisoners through General Amnesty.

Brosas said they have filed House Resolution 198 for the General Amnesty for Political Prisoners.

“Giving political prisoners General Amnesty is just and necessary to show that the government is sincere in the peace process,” said Brosas.

The post Political prisoners, families and supporters on hunger strike, fasting appeared first on Manila Today.

“There is only one reason for the non-release: the political prisoners, including the sick and elderly, have been held hostage to pressure the NDFP into agreeing to a haphazardly drawn-up peace agreement that would redound to the revolutionary movement’s capitulation instead of addressing the roots of the armed conflict,” said the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) in its December 5 statement, amid frenzied statements from President Rodrigo Duterte and Presidential Peace Adviser Jesus Dureza on the release of political prisoners.

During the preliminary talks between the the incoming GRP peace panel and NDFP on June 14-15 in Oslo, Norway, the GRP panel committed to recommend the immediate release of NDFP consultants and Joint Agreement on the Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) protected persons and other political prisoners based on humanitarian grounds.

“There was also a clear understanding as early as May that the four remaining JASIG-protected persons held at the New Bilibid Prisons would soon be pardoned; that all the 400 plus political prisoners would walk free through general amnesty; and that the release of 130 sick and elderly political detainees would be prioritized for humanitarian reasons,” read a part of a statement by NDFP peace panel chair Fidel Agcaoili on December 5.

In the joint statements during the 1^st and 2^nd round of talks last August and October, the GRP reaffirmed its commitment to expedite the release of political prisoners based on the Comprehensive Agreement for the Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) and the list of prisoners that the NDFP will provide.

But during the Christmas tree lighting ceremony in Malacañang on December 5, Duterte said that he is willing to release some 120 to 130 or more sickly and elderly political prisoners before Christmas time but only if a signed agreement on bilateral ceasefire between the GRP and NDFP would be produced.

“Now they’re asking for the release of 130 political prisoners. Sabi ko (I said), I cannot. I cannot give you that. I’m sorry but I have already conceded so much on the side of the government,” Duterte said in his speech.

“Produce to me a signed bilateral ceasefire agreement and I will release them within 48 hours. You can take my word for it,” Bello quoted the president in a statement.

The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) has issued its indefinite unilateral ceasefire on August 21, a day before the start of the 1^st round of talks while the NDFP declared its own indefinite unilateral ceasefire on August 27, a day after the first round of talks adjourned.

In the Oslo Joint Statement signed on August 26, both parties agreed to craft a unified bilateral document within 60 days from the date of the joint statement. At present, no document has been produced yet. This is contingent with the parties presenting a draft of the bilateral ceasefire agreement as well as fulfilling promises and goodwill measures that spurred the peace talks. In the November 28 launch of the Mindanao Women’s Peace Table, GRP peace panel member Angela Librado-Trinidad said their panel is finalizing their draft of the bilateral ceasefire agreement.

Another death of political prisoner in 2016, ailing ones rushed to hospitals

“It is the NDFP that should be appalled at the utter bankruptcy of the GRP’s negotiating tactics which have already led to the death of Bernabe Ocasla, an elderly and ailing political prisoner whose long wait for justice ended tragically,” said the NDFP.

Ocasla who was detained in Manila City Jail died on November 28 after being on comatose for three days when he was rushed to the Jose Reyes Memorial Center after his blood pressure increased due to hypertension.

Seven months before NDFP consultants were released in time for the resumption of the peace talks, Eduardo Serrano, an NDFP consultant detained for 11 years, died in Taguig General Hospital from the Special Intensive Care Area in Camp Bagong Diwa due to cardiac arrest after suffering from a heart attack. Serrano was acquitted in two courts where his multiple murder cases are being heard. He was awaiting the result of his appeal in another court.

At December 4, 2016, at 8 am, another elderly and ailing political prisoner, Apolonio Barado, was admitted to the New Bilibid Prison (NBP) hospital in Muntinlupa City due to chest pains.

Barado, 62, is a peasant organizer in Bicol arrested in 2001 and has spent 15 years in jail. He suffers from coronary artery disease, hypertensive cardiovascular disease, and diabetes mellitus. According to Karapatan, he is supposed to be transferred to the Philippine Heart Center in Quezon City on December 5, because the NBP hospital does not have the basic cardiac and blood sugar monitoring equipment to keep up with his condition.

Earlier in November 11, 2016, Amelia “Amy” Pond, 64, was admitted to the Southern Philippines Medical Hospital for an operation on her lumbar spine. Pond also has chronic renal infection, osteoporosis L3-L4, and hyperlipidemia.

Pond is a volunteer teacher, researcher and curriculum developer for the Salugpongan Igkanugon Community Learning Center, the center of schools of Lumad communities that have been under attack since the past administration’s Oplan Bayanihan. Before her detention, she served as the coordinator for the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines in the Southern Mindanao Region (RMP-SMR) when she was arrested on August 19, 2016 and charged with trumped-up cases of murder and frustrated murder.

In a statement, Pond said, “Perhaps the Duterte government would recognize that I am elderly with poor health and that I am just a simple educator. What happened to me is a big disregard to the efforts to alleviate the conditions of one of the poorest, backward and oppressed sectors among the Filipinos, which are the Lumad.”

No political prisoners released since August

Also in its December 5 statement, the NDFP said that it expresses appreciation for the Duterte administration’s work to effect the release of its 19 consultants. However, the group noted that three months have passed since August but no other political prisoners have been released through the peace process.

Prior to the first round of talks in August, 19 NDFP consultants were released to participate in the peace talks. The first schedule of the first round was even postponed as the NDFP waited for the GRP to effect its promise of releases. The GRP was not to contest the motion for bail filed by the counsels for the political prisoners. Meanwhile, people’s lawyers’ group National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers and the Philippine Interest Law Center as well as hundreds of human rights workers did the necessary legal legwork within two week’s time to ensure the releases.

Relatives of political prisoners and human rights groups are set to hold a protest on December 10, International Human Rights Day, to further call on the government for the release of political prisoners.

The post NDFP: GRP holds political prisoners hostage to bilateral ceasefire agreement appeared first on Manila Today.

In the wee hours of the morning of December 5, Joel Lising, 40, was already drinking his coffee and waiting for passengers at the tri-wheel vehicles terminal at the corner of Herbosa and Magsaysay Streets in Tondo, Manila. At 5:30am, two motorcycle-riding men rode by and shot at Lising. Lising got hit six times, one in the head and five in his body. Lising died instantly.

While recent happenings in the community would relegate Lising as another statistic in the long list of those killed in the drug war, his family and workmates deny any involvement of Lising in drugs. They said that Lising has no record in their barangay or local police as a drug pusher or user. They have no knowledge of him being part of the watch list of Operation Plan (Oplan) Tokhang. Instead, they said, he was an activist.

Lising was an organizer among his fellow tri-wheel drivers.

In recent times, Lising, an informal worker, who lived on his earnings as a tri-wheel driver, and others in the same livelihood in their community, had established an organization Pagkakaisa ng mga Tri-Wheels Organization para sa Kabuhayan or PATOK in District 1 of Manila. They formed this to beef up their resistance to the local government unit’s plan to phase-out kuliglig and tri-wheel vehicles in the city of Manila. Lising was elected as the public relations officer of PATOK.

September this year when Manila Mayor Joseph Estrada announced that tri-wheels in Manila will be phased out and replaced with e-trikes. On October, Estrada led the distribution of e-trikes in Binondo.

Lising and PATOK launched various protests in Manila City Hall, demanding Mayor Joseph Estrada and his officials to hear out their demands. Tri-wheel drivers, including tricycle, pedicab and kuliglig drivers, demanded that tri-wheels should not be phased out and force them to convert to e-trikes.

PATOK last held a picket outside the Manila City Hall on October 17, bringing along their pedicabs and tri-wheel vehicles. Councilor Dennis Alcoreza faced the protesting drivers and assured them that tri-wheels in Manila will not be phased out and the e-trikes are optional. Alcoreza also promised an audience with Mayor Estrada but the dialogue has not happened as of press time.

Pedicab drivers earn P100-150 a day while tricycle and kuliglig drivers earn around P300 a day.

Emmanuel Layog, a tricycle driver for 8 years, said that if there’s a chance for a better job that will answer the needs of his family, he will not need to drive a tricycle.

With the killing of Lising, the spate of killings in the name of the drug war and the inclusion of activists in the watch lists related to the conduct of Oplan Tokhang in various parts of the country, the Stop the Killings Network feared that Oplan Tokhang is being used not only against street pushers and users but also against activists.

“Nagiging norms na sa lugar nila Joel ang Oplan Tokhang. Same pattern ang pagpatay na unidentified riding in tandem ang suspect. Nakakabahala dahil pwedeng gamitin ang Tokhang sa pagtarget sa mga lider na nakikipaglaban para sa interes ng mamamayan at itolerate na lang ang ganitong sistema at culture of impunity (The Oplan Tokhang in Joel’s community has become a norm. The incident has the same pattern, the suspects are unidentified riding in tandem. It is worrisome that Tokhang can be used to target leaders who are fighting for the interest of the the people and tolerate this kind of system and culture of impunity),” said Cora Agovida, spokesperson of Stop the Killings Network.

“Ang mga baril na nakalaan sa Oplan Tokhang na sa ngayon ay nakaturo sa mga leader organisador sa mga komunidad na lumalaban para sa demokratikong interes ng mamamayan (The guns rationed for Oplan Tokhang are now pointed against leader organizers in communities fighting for the democratic interests of the people),” lamented another organizer of PATOK.

On December 9, a day before the International Human Rights Day, the families, coworkers of Lising and barangay officials were set to hold a press conference to condemn the extrajudicial killing of Lising and demand justice for his untimely demise.

The post Manila tri-wheel driver and association officer is latest activist EJK victim appeared first on Manila Today.

The post Support our local police appeared first on Manila Today.

Satur Ocampo is 77 years old. With a contingent from Bayan Muna, Ka Satur, as he would be revered by activists old and young, joined the hunger strike and fasting campaign for the release of political prisoners led by Karapatan and Selda. For a few hours, he abstained from food whilst in the fasting center in front of the Mendiola Peace Arch.

Asked why he would still join such campaign in his age, he said it was a natural thing for him to do.

“I know how the political prisoners feel. I went through the same ordeal 30 years ago,” shared Ka Satur.

He turned out to be hunger strike veteran as well.

“During Martial Law, when we were detained in Bicutan Rehabilitation Center, now Camp Bagong Diwa, we went on hunger strike five times. The longest one we held for 21 days too long,” shared Ka Satur.

He said the government should not feel slighted that the political prisoners would have to protest.

“The demands are always just. Depriving oneself of food is also a true sacrifice,” said Ka Satur.

This was in response to the statement of Presidential Adviser to the Peace Process Jesus Dureza on the release of political prisoners that “putting undue public pressure on the government which has already taken unprecedented steps may not yield their intended results.”

“The hunger strike has always been an effective pressure tactic. If the workers have their strike, the political prisoners have their hunger strike. The only thing they can do in incarceration is to deprive themselves of what little provisions they have. It was to spotlight the uncaring nature of their jailers and the government has always felt ashamed to be exposed as inhumane in this case,” Ka Satur imparted the lessons, even laughing somewhat at the memory of a brazen 21-day hunger strike.

He was only in his thirties when he joined these hunger strikes. He said hunger strikes should not be carried out too long for in extreme cases could affect the mental health of those who partook in it.

“Before, we were arrested and detained for a long time even without formal charges filed against us. Nowadays, activists are detained and charged with fabricated cases that prolongs their detention. They are wrongly detained, falsely charged. The political prisoners today suffer double the injustice,” Ka Satur mused.

As of October 31 this year, Karapatan lists 401 political prisoners in the country. Of the number, 130 are sickly, 33 are elderly, and 33 are women.

“From the presidency of Cory Aquino, administrations have practiced the criminalization of political offenses, which violates the Hernandez Doctrine. My wife and I were among the first hit by such practice. We were in litigation for three years, until the charges of murder, kidnapping and illegal possession of firearms against us were dismissed for lack of basis,” recalled Ka Satur.

The Hernandez Doctrine came from Supreme Court decision in the case People vs. Amado Hernandez that ruled that rebellion cannot be complexed with other crimes, such as murder and arson and that rebellion in itself would include and absorb the said crimes, thus granting the accused the right to bail. Labor leader Hernandez, who would later be named National Artist for Literature by the Philippine government, was acquitted by the Supreme Court in 1964.

“Because of that case, our counsel then Atty. Romeo Capulong who also became a consultant for the NDFP [National Democratic Front of the Philippines] in the peace negotiations, they made the Philippine government commit to upholding the Hernandez Doctrine in the CARHRIHL, to from time to time review the record of the political prisoners and all those arrested and detained in violation of Hernandez Doctrine be freed. This is one positive outcome of our struggle,” shared Ka Satur.

The Comprehensive Agreement for the Respect of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) was signed in 1998, drafted under the administration of Fidel Ramos and signed when Joseph Estrada has just assumed presidency. This is the first of four substantive agenda that have reached an agreement in the peace talks between the government of the Philippines (GRP) and the NDFP.

“The Duterte government has reaffirmed CARHRIHL. But they are too slow in the issue of the release of political prisoners, which made another hunger strike and the fasting an imperative,” stressed Ka Satur.

Late in the afternoon, the participants of the fasting take on the social media trend #MannequinChallenge, a symbol they say of the government’s immobility in their promise of justice by releasing political prisoners. Ka Satur then spoke before passersby in Mendiola relaying his Martial Law experience and encouraging people to stand up against the return of “Marcosian policies.”

After addressing protesters and onlookers, Ka Satur exclaimed, “I am still a political prisoner.”

Ka Satur, then-Bayan Muna Representative, along with four representatives from Bayan Muna, Gabriela and Anakpawis were charged with rebellion in 2006, under the administration of Gloria Arroyo and during a time of great political turmoil and people’s disgust for the administration. The House of Representatives took custody of the five. The case is still on trial. He was only out on bail.

“I am 77. I should have been exempt from answering to these made up charges. Yet I continue to attend these hearings and still avail myself of no justice in the legal system. Government violates their own laws,” said Ka Satur.

Ka Satur lamented how many of the political prisoners are accused as members or supporters of the New People’s Army or the NDFP, but they would not be charged with rebellion or sedition. They would be charged with common crimes or heinous crimes, ranging from illegal possession of firearms to multiple cases of murder.

“Our lawyers said the underlying motive of the government is to project the political activists as criminals. Layers and layers of injustice,” said Ka Satur.

The NDFP has criticized the government for “using the political prisoners as trump cards in the peace talks for achieving a bilateral ceasefire that may redound to eventual capitulation.”

“One big achievement of the peace talks is the CARHRIHL and now the Duterte government has reaffirmed this agreement. Now, the NDF can look into these abuses and work for the release of those wrongly-detained,” said Ka Satur, also a cooperator in the peace talks between the NDFP and the GRP.

Before leaving the fasting center at nighttime, he approached each person or group, that time mostly young activists from Anakbayan and National Union of Students of the Philippines Metro Manila, in the fasting tent to bid his goodbyes. He is probably oblivious to the esteem in which the younger activists hold him for all his years of steadfast struggle.

The fight for justice may be long, tiresome and hungering, but as in the case of Ka Satur, victorious and strong when unwavering.

The post Still a political prisoner, still on strike appeared first on Manila Today.

It was early in the evening in Sitio 6, Barangay Catmon, Malabon on November 16 when a deafening shot was heard just beside Kalipunang Damayang Mahihirap’s (KADAMAY) office. The four people inside the office immediately dropped down, closed the lights and listened for any movements outside.

Jose Brondial of KADAMAY peeped outside from a hole inside the office and saw three men. One was holding a gun. They identified one of the men as Rogelio Senobio, who lives just a house away from the KADAMAY office. Senobio was known to be associated with leaders promoting the Community Mortgage Program (CMP), according to KADAMAY. A few moments later, someone attempted to force open the door from the outside while Jeremy Ediza and Edison Flores, both members of Anakbayan Malabon, pushed the door back and hold the door knob to prevent the door from opening. When Rechel Bañola of Gabriela called on the phone for help from the local organizations, the perpetrators left upon hearing the call being made. Fortunately, no one was hurt during the incident.

The KADAMAY office is a small house inside the community, loaned to the organization by one of its members. Residents regularly visit the house for meetings, discussions, and consultations. KADAMAY is a national alliance of the urban poor sector, known for their campaigns against demolitions, for secure livelihood and for the interests of who the government calls “informal settlers.”

Members of local organizations immediately responded to the harassment victims’ distress call and reported the incident to the barangay and police.

When all were calm, Madeline Cahipong’s neighbor reported that two men riding a black motorcycle were looking for her at her house just a few moments after she left to respond to the shooting incident at the KADAMAY office. Cahipong is president of Sandigan ng Maralitang Nagkakaisa ng Dumpsite Catmon, one of KADAMAY’s member organizations in barangay Catmon.

At around 1:00 AM, Cahipong’s daughter observed that a man wearing a jacket was standing near their house who seems to be surveilling the area.

The next day when the police came, Leticia Quilla, a resident of barangay Catmon, saw and heard the children playing outside the office telling the police that they saw that Senobio was among the men who fired at the KADAMAY office. She said the police did not pay attention to the children.

Bañola suspects that the shooting incident is related to the land dispute in the community.

Possible motive

“We believe that the motive of the harassment is because we are known organizers in this community and many residents of the other organizations promoting the CMP are transferring their membership to KADAMAY’s member organizations,” said Bañola.

The other organizations in barangay Catmon referred are United People’s Democratic Organization of Malabon, Dumpsite People’s Organization and Peoples of Teacher’s Village Democratic Organization that have more than 1,000 member families from Sitio 6, barangay Catmon.

Bañola added that their campaign in the community to advance the residents’ rights to housing security and electricity connection have drawn residents to join the campaign and sign up for their organizations. This results to fewer followers for those pushing for the CMP and the electricity’s common connection, from which the CMP peddlers are bound to lose income, she alleged.

According to Bañola, among those promoting the CMP are Green Meadow Homeowners Association President Anabel Cuevas (who is also a member of barangay Catmon’s Lupong Tagapamayapa), Catmon Ville President Leonie Macalinsang, Dimsun Homeowners Association President Danila Basiwa, Solid Bisig Homeowners Association President Milagros Masalio, and barangay councilor Adela Agudon and an alias “Morallos”.

Bañola also believes that the CMP promoters are protected by the barangay and local government.

“We are being harassed because we are fighting the CMP promoters’ anomalous business where the residents of Catmon are victimized,” said Bañola.

Cahipong recalls that since 1986 when she started living near the dumpsite area in Catmon, they have rejected the CMP.

“The CMP will not succeed in our community because the residents cannot afford it, most of the residents in our side of the Sitio 6 are only garbage pickers who earn a meager amount daily,” said Cahipong.

Cahipong added that a neighbour who is under the CMP reported that they have been paying for 16 years but when another claimant of the land came, their payments were reset to zero as if they have not paid a centavo and they had to pay all over again.

“When we educate the residents here about the failure of the CMP, they realize that we are right and they join our organization, that is one reason why we are being harassed,” said Cahipong.

The group is also pushing for individual connection of electricity.

Currently, the electricity in the community’s houses are connected to a main source controlled by the same people leading the CMP in Catmon, according to Cahipong.

“In 2014, I was able to get an electricity connection but I have to pay P25,000 to the CMP leaders to get the connection, because we were prohibited to apply for a direct connection. Aside from that, I have to pay their association P12,800,” said Cahipong.

According to Cahipong, many are forced to go with that kind of system because that was the only choice presented to them lest they chose to suffer living in the dark.

When Cahipong’s group went to Meralco to inquire how to get a direct connection for her home, Cahipong said they were surprised to learn that they only need to shell out around P1,500 for the application. The Meralco representative also vowed to lobby the waiver of the fees for the requirements from the City Hall.

“Our insistence in having the residents their direct electrical connection is possibly another motive for the harassment because those who control the main electrical connection will lose income if the houses here will have their own connection,” said Bañola.

Cahipong also suspects that the harassment is related to the killing of Ernesto “Ka Erning” Gulfo in 2012. Gulfo was a known community organizer in barangay Catmon who fought against the CMP and alleged corruption. He was killed by unidentified assailants while he was in his junk shop.

As of press time, the assailants in the harassment incident have not been apprehended and the residents who reported the harassment said the shooting incident remains unresolved.

Continue the fight

“If we will not help the residents here in Catmon, who will help them? As long as we can remember, there have been many associations here, but they have never truly advanced the interest of the people and only make a living out of our situation here,” said a tearful Cahipong.

The community leader only wished that the land where their houses stand will be freely awarded to them and that provisions for basic utilities like electricity and water be made available to them. She also hoped that they can have their own electricity before Christmas.

“While the unity of the residents here become stronger, we cannot avoid these incidents of harassment. That is why we should remain vigilant and not be cowed by these dirty tactics,” said Bañola.

The post Shot fired at Kadamay office in Malabon, leaders harassed appeared first on Manila Today.

“Why my son? He was a good person,” said Angela Lising.

A mother could only grieve.

The killers of Joel Lising left no standard placard bearing the message “pusher ako, huwag tularan.” He was not a drug or user pusher after all.

Joel (or Jojo to family, friends and coworkers) was drinking his coffee as he waited for a passenger. His tricycle was queued at his group’s identified terminal on the corner of Herbosa and Magsaysay Streets in Tondo, Manila. It was 5:30am on December 5, there were only a few tricycles in line.

A motorcycle bearing two men in full face helmets sped by and stopped in front of Jojo. One of the two pointed a gun at him. He had turned to his side to run but the first shot caught him in the head. Few more shots to his body followed. Others in the vicinity ran for their lives when the shots rang. Jojo died at the scene. He was 43.

The way the killing was carried out made it clear that Lising was the target. This was according to the accounts of witnesses.

And then there were the whispers in the neighborhood. One witness said that lights in the vicinity where Jojo was killed went off just before the motorcycle rode by and when they turned on again, Jojo was already lifeless, sprawled on the ground. It was dark and the sun rose only at 6:08 am that day. Another bystander in the crime scene said that when the police came to investigate, the police uttered without asking who died or what happened, “Isn’t this person once accused of frustrated murder? It’s not a surprise this happened to him.” But the residents have heard these ramblings of the police all too often that it may have not really made a difference to them what the police say or do when they come to take the dead away.

His was the sixth body brought to the Sol Memorial Homes that morning. The five others were expelled from this world by the bloody drug war in the country that has claimed the lives of around 5,000 since July this year. In that place and in the current schema of things, Jojo would have been easily listed away as another casualty of the drug war.

“Jojo was not a drug user or pusher. He is known around here as an activist, especially when he became part of the protests against the phase out of tri-wheels in the city,” said Angela.

In the aftermath of Jojo’s death and another day of reporting the drug war body count, one major national broadsheet/online publication had published that Jojo surrendered and stopped using drugs a few months ago for fear of his life. In a press conference on December 9 at the Lising’s home, Angela disputed ideas that her son was a drug user or pusher.

“He had no record of being a user or pusher. He had no other pending cases or complaints against him. He may have been sued before, but that was already resolved,” said Barangay Secretary Bernie Abadillo in the same press con.

Angela herself thought the only case Jojo was involved was the frustrated murder charge slapped against him, but that was already resolved. And that happened years ago, in Jojo’s youth.

Jojo was the public relations officer of the broad alliance Pagkakaisa ng mga Tri-Wheel Organizations para sa Kabuhayan (PATOK).

When before pedicab, tricycle and kuliglig drivers (or collectively in the vernacular, tri-wheels) would be divided among their own operators and drivers’ association, they have united in one broad formation in the city of Manila in the face of imminent loss of livelihood. In September this year, Manila Mayor Joseph Estrada announced that tri-wheels would be phased out to ease traffic in the city. Then he announced that the tri-wheels would be replaced with e-trikes. Having no means to upgrade to e-trikes and losing what little they own, tri-wheel drivers banded together. Jojo rose as one of the leaders of the broad number of informal workers, they whose lot are just a little worse than their counterparts in the factories or in the service sector for having no regular income, no job security, no benefits, and only their own back to break. Jojo became one of the organizers of PATOK in Tondo.

Today is the sixth day of Jojo’s funeral. The family has not picked a day for his burial as they are waiting for his sibling from the province, other relatives to come pay their last respects. The traditional Tagalog funerals would last a week long, but Jojo’s may take longer. But his mother mourns that getting justice may take longest.

“With the things happening in the country right now, this case might not be resolved. I still hope we will get justice for his death,” said Angela.

Stop the Killings Network and Rise Up For Life, alliances and campaign groups denouncing the flurry of drug war-related killings, is bothered that Oplan Tokhang, the police campaign against drugs, may now furtively be used to target activists.

The post He was not a drug user – activist EJK victim’s mother appeared first on Manila Today.

The post Buhay ka na ba noong Martial Law? appeared first on Manila Today.

Progressives from various sectoral groups unite to call justice for victims of Marcos’ dictatorial regime and to continue the struggle against state fascism amid growing count of human rights violations under the Duterte administration.

Groups held the program at Liwasang Bonifacio in the afternoon and marched to Mendiola, Manila where they burned the first effigy under the new administration.

Here are the photos of the International Day of Human Rights 2016 celebration in the Manila.

EFFIGY

The 12-feet high effigy bears the face of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos. It depicts the political rehabilitation of the Marcoses and continuing state fascism, which include extrajudicial killings, still detained political prisoners, and continuing military operations through Oplan Bayanihan counter-insurgency program.

PROGRAM AT LIWASANG BONIFACIO

MARCH TO MENDIOLA

CULMINATING PROGRAM AT MENDIOLA

Photos by Chantal Eco, Ciriaco Santiago, CSsR, Mel Doctor and Joolia Demigillo.

The post Groups call justice for Marcos victims & struggle vs continuing state fascism appeared first on Manila Today.

How many years can some people exist,
before they are allowed to be free?
– Bob Dylan, Nobel Prize in Literature 2016 Awardee

Who are the political prisoners? Our good old dictionaries would define it as a person put in prison because of his or her political beliefs or someone imprisoned for having opposed or criticized the government.

If we would accept that then the Philippine Constitution, as well as other human rights declarations recognized or signed by the Philippine government, would will that there be no political prisoners. Right now, there are 401 of them in prisons all over the country.

From an interview with Atty. Edre Olalia of National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers, 10 compelling, if not binding, reasons for the release of political prisoners under the current Rodrigo Duterte administration are listed below.

First off, here are the reasons related with the ongoing peace talks between the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and may even be considered incontrovertible actualities on the matter of the release of political prisoners now.

1. Goodwill and confidence-building measure for the peace talks. The immediate release of political prisoners can also be seen as a demonstration of goodwill and a further confidence-building gesture for the peace negotiations. In fact, it is a “positive incentive” for negotiating a more stable, realistic and principled bilateral ceasefire.

2. Commitment in the exploratory talks for formal peace talks to resume. June 15, 2016 Joint Statement between GRP and NDFP expressly stipulates that formal talks will be resumed and conducted “in accordance with previously signed agreements” (including JASIG and CARHRIHL which provide bases for the release of political prisoners) and that the GRP Panel will recommend to President Duterte “the immediate release” of NDFP consultants and other JASIG protected persons and of “prisoners/detainees based on humanitarian grounds.”

3. Reaffirmation of previous signed agreements JASIG and CARHRIHL. The signed agreements in the GRP and NDFP peace talks are binding, and succeeding administrations must adhere to them. Among the previously signed agreements that should have kept the government from jailing its dissenters are the JASIG and the CARHRIHL.

The GRP-NDFP Joint Agreement on Safety & Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) of February 24, 1995 explicitly mandates that not only negotiators, consultants, staffers and security are guaranteed immunity from arrest or detention due to any involvement or participation in the peace negotiations but also those who assist them or attend public consultations or peaceful assemblies.

The GRP-NDFP Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Law (CARHRIHL) of March 16, 1998 stipulates that the GRP shall abide by its political offense doctrine laid down in People vs. Hernandez and shall forthwith review the cases of all prisoners or detainees who have been charged, detained, or convicted contrary to this doctrine, and shall immediately release them.

In addition, the CARHRIHL obliged the GRP to work for the immediate repeal of repressive laws, decrees and executive issuances and undertake remedies against repressive jurisprudence, and shall not invoke them to contravene or circumvent its provisions on human rights. These laws and jurisprudence provide the legal justification for the political persecution.

4. Signed agreement after the first round of formal talks. The August 26, 2016 Joint Statement on the Resumption of Formal Talks in the Peace Negotiations Between the GRP and the NDFP agreed to reaffirm previous agreements and pointed out the commitment of President Duterte “to cause the early release of prisoners (as listed by the NDFP) who are sick, elderly, overly long detained and women based on humanitarian grounds.”

The Parties agreed too that the GRP “will immediately recommend” to President Duterte “the issuance of an Amnesty Proclamation” for the release of prisoners who are listed by the NDFP who have “been arrested, charged, and/or convicted for alleged acts or omissions xxx in connection with alleged crimes in pursuit of one’s political beliefs. ”

5. Signed agreement after the second round of formal talks. The October 9, 2016 Joint Statement on the Second Round of Talks Between the GRP and the NDFP where recently-signed Joint Statements of June and August were reviewed “on the issue of the immediate release of detained prisoners listed by the NDFP, giving premium on those prisoners who will be released based on humanitarian grounds.”

The GRP also committed to “accelerate the process” for releases on bail, recognizance or pardon, expedite the presidential clemency for the release of three NDFP consultants, and “release the prisoners who are listed by the NDFP in accordance with the CARHRIHL pending the approval of the proposed amnesty.”

Finally, the GRP affirmed its “commitment to work for the release of these prisoners in expeditious and acceptable modes.”

6. Duterte’s promises. GRP has made several oral pledges. Starting from the offer in May 2016 of then presumptive President Duterte to grant general amnesty to all political prisoners down to the GRP Panel’s bold promise on October 8, 2016 to immediately release the first 200 priority political prisoners who are sick, elderly, long termers and women by October 27, 2016 in advance of the general amnesty. In the meantime, the numbers the GRP has been floating keep on a-changing. But as of today, only one convicted who was recently pardoned had been actually released and only a couple of days ago.

From the administrations before Duterte and to the administrations that would follow, these are the reasons (one is a Supreme Court jurisprudence) for releasing political prisoners that should find constant solid ground, if we are to be made to continue believing that we live in a democracy.

7. Trumped-up charges against political prisoners should be dismissed. The Philippine’s Supreme Court ruling in People vs. Amado V. Hernandez of July 18, 1956 mandates that all acts in pursuit, in furtherance or in connection with one’s political beliefs are absorbed or subsumed in one political offense of rebellion as a socially-rooted act and cannot be subdivided or multiplied into several common crimes like murder, arson, robbery, kidnapping, illegal possession of firearms or explosives etc. A violation of this doctrine calls for the dismissal of the false, improper or trumped-up charges.

8. Humanitarian grounds. Humanitarian considerations for the sick, ailing (one a quadruple bypass survivor) elderly (oldest is 77 years old), long termers (one in jail for 30 years already), women (one has a child born while imprisoned) and minors (at the time they were arrested) dictate that they should be released immediately as a moral imperative.

With the recent death of detainee, Bernabe Ocasla, who suffered a stroke in prison and who remained handcuffed to his bed wearing soiled sweaty jail garb even while in a state of coma and the hospitalization of two others, the immediate release of the sick and ailing is a matter of life and death.

9. A matter of human rights. Section 18 of the Bill of Rights in the Philippine Constitution, the law of the land, holds that “No person shall be detained solely by reason of his political beliefs and aspirations.” In some cases of the political prisoners, other rights violated include right to liberty, expression, unreasonable searches and seizures, organization, or to not be put in jeopardy of punishment for the same offense among others. The universal concept of political prisoners has also been enshrined in the Hernandez case. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ensures right/freedom of political beliefs, of dissent and speech. The International Humanitarian Law recognizes the rights of insurgents, rebels and belligerents. The Philippine government recognize these laws.

10. A matter of justice. These political prisoners – who are mostly mass activists, farmers, indigenous peoples, environmentalist or anti-destructive mines advocates, human rights defenders, civilians labelled as supporters or sympathizers of the armed revolutionary movement – should not have been arrested and charged in the first place with either improper or even false or fabricated charges based on planted, manufactured or perjured evidence. Releasing them is righting a wrong they have been suffering for the longest time. To continue incarcerating them speaks badly of what kind of society and government we have.

The post Ten reasons why political prisoners should be released appeared first on Manila Today.

The post On death penalty appeared first on Manila Today.

“The CHED [Commission on Higher Education] and SUCs [State College and Universities] has the capacity to implement the free tuition fee scheme on January even without the IRR [Implementing Rules and Regulations],” said Vencer Crisostomo, Chairperson of Anakbayan in a press conference in Quezon City on December 17 after the announcement of the insertion of P8.3 billion free tuition in all SUCs allocation in the 2017 national budget.

Crisostomo reiterated that by January 2017, SUCs should no longer be charging any student for tuition, referring to schools that will start the second semester on January like the University of the Philippines System.

Youth groups announced during the press conference that they are set to mount protests on January 2017 to monitor and insist on the implementation of the free tuition in SUCs.

“Students, parents, administrators must unite and take action to make free tuition in SUCs a reality now. Nationwide mass actions and big campus demonstrations are set to be held as the new year starts to demand free public education in all levels, a stop to tuition and other school fees and an educational system that is truly relevant and free,” said Crisostomo.

Crisostomo said that the government should start talking about the overall direction of education as a right and not as a privilege.

Funds for free public tertiary education 

“The P8.3 billion allocation for free tuition is proof that the state can indeed provide free education for its youth,” said Kabataan Party-list Representative Sarah Elago.

Elago added that the challenge is to monitor the implementation and further campaign and mobilize the youth to address the rising cost of education, not only in the SUCs but in the private schools as well.

In the bilateral committee report, the additional P8.3B budget for CHED specifies that it is allotted for “free tuition fees in all SUCs and additional funds for incentives and grants.”

The bilateral conference committee of the House of Representatives and Senate ratified the P3.35 trillion government budget for 2017 on December 14. The General Appropriations Act of 2017 was signed by President Duterte on December 22 afternoon.

This year’s budget is P17 billion higher than the 2016 budget.

Legislating free public education

“The fight for free education is not yet over, this is only the first step because it is not yet institutionalised,” said Senator Win Gatchalian in the same press conference.

Gatchalian recognized that the realization of a tuition free SUCs next year is a result of the painstaking struggle of the youth movement who never faltered in calling for greater state subsidy for education.

However, Gatchalian admitted that there is no guarantee that the same situation will apply in 2018 and the following years. He said that the free tuition for SUCs needs to be institutionalised and more work is still needed to get rid of the other fees.

The Senator added that there are seven bills pending in the Senate pushing for free higher education that needs to be consolidated.

Kabataan Party-list is set to file a bill that will enact a free public education system on January 2017 after its series of consultation with stakeholders all over the country.

The post Youth groups to push January implem of free tuition appeared first on Manila Today.