The B’laan people are one of 18 Lumad indigenous groups living in the southern Philippine island of Mindanao. With a population of around 450,000, they are largely concentrated in the provinces of South Cotabato, Davao del Sur and Sultan Kudarat. Most of them are still engaged in subsistence farming, with corn and rice being the main produce. Originally, the B’laans lived on the fertile plains but were slowly forced to move to the mountains when the government started bringing in majority Cebuanos and Ilonggos from the central Philippine islands during the early 1900s.

South Cotabato is known as the food basket of Mindanao because of its fertile lands and diverse agricultural products. In 2016, South Cotabato was the third most economically competitive province in the Philippines. The province’s population is a mixture of descendants of Cebuano and Ilonggo settlers from the Visayas area, Moslem peoples, and Lumad peoples belonging to the B’laan, Manobo and T’boli groups.

The province is blessed with bountiful mineral resources. Tampakan town in South Cotabato has one of the largest undeveloped copper and gold deposits in Southeast Asia. A large number of B’laans live in the mountainous parts of the town, and they consider Mount Bulol as a sacred mountain for their tribe. When one visits the town, one is struck by how quiet and serene the municipality is.

Underneath this seemingly peaceful exterior, however, is the fact that Tampakan is the battleground of a war that has raged for decades. 

Checkered past

The Tampakan Copper-Gold Mine Project in the uplands of the town has changed hands several times since exploration in the area commenced. In 1990, the Western Mining Company (WMC) started exploring around the Tampakan highlands after an invitation from the Tampakan Group of Companies, a consortium of small-scale miners based in the province. Their areas of interest were in the ancestral lands of the indigenous B’laan people. In 1995, two months after the enactment of Republic Act 7492, or the Mining Act, WMC was granted a financial and technical assistance agreement (FTAA) by the Philippine government. The FTAA initially covered an area of 99,387 hectares located in four provinces, four municipalities and nine barangays. In line with the provisions of the Mining Act, the FTAA gave WMC the right to explore and commercially exploit, as well as completely own, the land granted to it for 50 years.

In 2001, WMC transferred its FTAA to locally-owned Sagittarius Mines, Inc. (SMI). The following year, Australian company Indophil Resources bought shares of the mine project. In 2007, Swiss-based Xstrata Copper gained 62.5% controlling equity interest of the project as well as management of SMI. In 2013, the company Glencore merged with Xstrata, creating the fourth largest natural resources corporation in the world. Glencore Xstrata, as the new company was called, gained control of the Tampakan project as well. In the middle of 2015, however, Glencore Xstrata completed the sale of its interests in the Tampakan project to the local Alcantara group through its subsidiary Alsons Prime Investment Corp. (ACIP), which by then also had controlling interest over Indophil. The sale facilitated the return of the Tampakan project, as well as management of SMI, into Filipino hands.

Public-private partnership

From the onset, the Philippine government has given, and is obliged to give its assistance to ensure the operation of the Tampakan project. The ease by which WMC obtained its FTAA just two months after the legislation of the Mining Act in 1995, despite the lack of consent from the affected B’laan people in the mining site, is a testament to the willingness of the government to give necessary permits to mining companies like the WMC.

In 1997, the La Bugal-B’laan Tribal Association of Columbio, Sultan Kudarat challenged the constitutionality of the Mining Act, asserting that its provisions regarding 100% foreign ownership of land as well as other provisions of the said law are going against the 1987 Philippine Constitution. In 27 January  2004, the Philippine Supreme Court (SC) declared the Mining Act unconstitutional, thereby voiding the FTAA issued to WMC and other foreign mining companies.

Upon hearing of the SC decision regarding the Mining Act’s unconstitutionality, former House Speaker Jose De Venecia “decided to mount a strong campaign to get the Supreme Court to reverse itself.” De Venecia was speaker of the House of Representatives when the Mining Act was passed. The law’s primary sponsor in 1995 was then-Senator Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who was the country’s president when the SC had reversed its own decision in 2004.

The original FTAA text states that the national government must “ensure the timely issuance of necessary permits and similar authorizing documents and lifting of impending regulations or reservations for the use of surface of the contract area.” An apparent case of collusion between the government and SMI resulted in the issuance of the mining company’s environmental compliance certificate (ECC), a document necessary for the mining operations to move from exploration to extraction.

In a feasibility study, SMI shareholder Indophil stated that the only viable and most profitable way for the company to extract copper and gold from the ground was through open pit mining. In response to this, the South Cotabato provincial government passed the Environment Code explicitly banning open-pit mining within the province’s territory in June 2010. Prior to this, several municipal councils had already banned SMI from operating in their areas of jurisdiction. In January 2012, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources denied SMI’s application for an Environmental Compliance Certificate (ECC), citing the South Cotabato Environmental Code as basis.

No cases were filed by SMI in court to challenge the local Environment Code. Instead, it brought its case to then-President Benigno Aquino III. By 6 July 2012, Aquino issued Executive Order (EO) 79, which gave the national government the authority to decide on the issuance of permits for mining companies. On 4 February 2013, the Office of the President through Executive Secretary Pacquito Ochoa, Jr. released a memorandum criticizing the DENR for its failure to issue SMI’s ECC and directing it to immediately grant the company’s request. By the end of the month SMI had its ECC.

In another case of government power and influence wielded to clear the way for these big miners, the three municipal mayors of Kiblawan, Tampakan and Colombio signed a memorandum of agreement (MOA) in 2008 with SMI to create Task Force KITACO. The MOA tasked the three municipal governments with recruitment of paramilitary forces into the Citizen’s Armed Forces Geographical Units (CAFGU) to serve as investment defense forces for the Tampakan mine while SMI provides the funds for equipping, training and provisioning of recruits.

Corresponding actions and decisions of SMI, its owners, the national government, and several local government officials has had a profound, and mostly negative, impact on the lives of the B’laan people in the area.

Blood-stained gold

In 1995, WMC was granted its FTAA for the Tampakan project without consulting the B’laan people to be affected by the operation. WMC submitted a list of signatures of people supposedly giving their consent to the project one month after the granting of the FTAA, thus violating the law which stipulates that the FPIC must be acquired by the company prior to the issuance of any mining permit. In addition, many of those who signed lamented the fact that they were not properly informed as to the method WMC will use in extracting mineral resources as well as the possible effects of mining operations on their ancestral lands and ways of life.

The FTAA originally covered over 90,000 hectares of B’laan ancestral lands. If the exploration advances to the extraction phase, the open pit mine will cover 10,000 hectares of land, the size of 17,000 basketball courts in width and a depth of a 160-storey building. 5000 people living in the mine site will have to be resettled, endangering the livelihood and culture of the B’laan people, whose traditions and way of life are intricately connected to the land.

Showing its resolve to claim the ancestral lands of the B’laan for its mining operations, the SMI handpicked representatives from the B’laan people and created resettlement committees that did not represent the majority of the affected people. By early 2012, SMI started posting notices around the mine site that it will start the registration process for those who wish to avail of compensation for resettling outside the mining site. The notice was written in Bisaya, a language not many of the B’laan people understand (aside from the fact that many of the B’laan people do not know how to read). The notice also stipulated that those who do not avail of this registration process will not receive anything from the company. Many of the B’laans did not register for resettlement and instead took action against the company’s resettlement policy.

The Philippine Army and the Task Force KITACO set up several military detachments in the area to protect the mine site as well as maintain peace and order in the area. In fact, these military and paramilitary groups supported by SMI routinely targeted the indigenous B’laan for harassment and intimidation.

“The military has become a tool of SMI to force us to agree to the company’s wishes,” attested B’laan leader Minda Dalinan, secretary general of Kaluhhamin (Kahugpongan sa mga Lumad sa Halayong-Habagatang Mindanao or Unity of Indigenous Peoples in Far-Southern Mindanao).

“Instead of protecting us, the military and SMI have blood on their hands. They are responsible for killing many of my people,” she added.

At least 10 B’laan people have become victims of extrajudicial killings in connection to the SMI-Xstrata mining operation in Tampakan. All of the killings were done allegedly by the Philippine military, the paramilitary CAFGU and Task Force KITACO. On 18 October 2012, Juvy Capion, 27, and her two sons Jordan, 13, and Janjan, 8, were allegedly killed by members of the Philippine Army’s 19th Infantry Battalion (IB) in their house in the Bong Mal community. Juvy, who was pregnant at the time, was the wife of B’laan anti-mining resistance leader Daguil Capion and was also a vocal critic and leader of the movement against the Tampakan project. The army denied that Juvy and her children were victims of extrajudicial killings and instead called the incident a legitimate encounter between state security forces and tagged the Capions as armed resistance fighters.

In another incident, men in uniform shot and killed Fulong Anting Freay, 60, and his son Victor, 16, on 23 August 2013. The elder Freay is a fulong–a tribal chieftain–and is considered one of the most respected elders in the Bong Mal B’laan community. Many of his clan members are involved in the anti-mining resistance movement of the B’laans. One of Freay’s wives is also a sister of Capion. Freay’s body was riddled with 17 bullets while his son received 18.

Indigenous resistance

These violations of indigenous rights, however, have not gone unchallenged.

At the onset, the B’laans have opposed the proposed mining operation in Tampakan. In 1997, 7000 people joined a caravan against the approval of the WMC’s FTAA for the mine project. The La Bulol-B’laan Tribal Association also challenged in court the validity of WMC’s permit as well as the constitutionality of the Mining Act of 1995.

In December 2010, hundreds of B’laans trooped to the national capital of Manila to demand government action regarding the Tampakan mine project in the first Lakbayan of Mindanao Indigenous Peoples. In October 2011, hundreds of people assembled to form Kalgad, an organization of B’laan people living inside the projected mine site. Kalgad members joined the second Lakbayan in December 2011, highlighting their continued resistance to the SMI-Xstrata mining activities. In March 2012, the residents of Bong Mal barricaded all major roads leading to SMI’s campsite as a sign of protest against the company’s plans to resettle the indigenous residents of the area.

In October 2016, about 300 B’laan people again joined the Lakbayan to the capitol to pressure the government to junk the Mining Act and revoke SMI’s mining permit. On 1 December 2016, hundreds of B’laans were camped out in the Mindanao State University campus in General Santos City in protest of the continuing SMI operations.

Frustrated with government’s selling out of their ancestral lands Daguil Capion and dozens of B’laan warriors armed themselves and declared a red pangayaw (tribal war) against SMI and government forces for violating the rights of the B’laan people. Capion was a former community relations officer of SMI who became disenchanted with the company after witnessing how the company repeatedly abused his fellow B’laans.

“If SMI or its supporters have been telling the outside world that everything is smooth in the mines development site, that’s not true,” he said in an interview in the same hut where his wife and two children would later die.

Capion and his people were responsible for a series of attacks against SMI facilities and personnel between June and July 2012. This includes the killing of an SMI security consultant and a police escort inside the SMI mining tenement on 20 June 2012. This attack came after another offensive his forces made on June 17 that killed an SMI security guard.

Supporting the call

Church officials, human rights activists, indigenous rights advocates, environmentalists and government officials have also joined the B’laans in the fight against SMI and the Tampakan project. Alliances and organizations such as the Alyansa Tigil Mina, Tampakan Forum, Socskargends Agenda, and Panalipdan Tampakan have been formed to combat SMI and national government policies on mining that adversely affect the B’laans. These alliances also provided much needed support to the Lumad as well as exerted additional pressure on government units and provided machinery for the anti-Tampakan mining campaign.

In 2006, the municipal council of Buluan in Maguindanao province declared its opposition to SMI’s operations. In June 2010, the provincial government of South Cotabato passed its Environment Code that banned open-pit mining within its provincial boundaries, effectively banning SMI’s operations until this Environmental Code was circumvented by the national government. In August 2011, the Matanao municipal council also joined the fight against the Tampakan project by declaring its opposition against SMI’s continued operations. On 30 June 2013, more than 200,000 people had signed a petition to stop the SMI from mining in Tampakan.

In addition, SMI and the Tampakan mine project have also come under fire from the communist New People’s Army (NPA), which in 2013 reiterated its stand against foreign large-scale mining and launched a series of tactical offensives against the company. This has put additional pressure on SMI as well contributed to the violence in the area to a certain extent.

We will kick them out

Due to the strong opposition as well as the legal hurdles that Glencore Xstrata faced in relation to Tampakan, the company gave up its control of the mining project to local company Alsons Prime Investment Corporation (APIC) in mid-2015. Despite the controversies surrounding the project, SMI executives vowed to continue its plans of getting the Tampakan mine project operational by 2018.

The company faces an uphill battle however, as the B’laan people continue to resist the project both legally and with arms. In October 2016, 500 B’laans again marched to the capitol alongside thousands of other Indigenous Peoples in the country to protest the continuing exploration in the Tampakan area, and support for the B’laans and against the mine project has continued to pour in. Additionally, the NPA commitment to drive out large-scale foreign mining companies from Philippine soil stands despite on-going peace negotiations between the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), an umbrella organization of which the NPA is a member, and the Philippine government.

Furthermore, opponents of the project have found a new ally in the person of the Environment Secretary Gina Lopez, known as a staunch environmentalist and anti-large scale mining advocate.

“I don’t really like Tampakan at all. There will be no Tampakan mine operations under my term,” Lopez said in an interview.

True to her word, by August 2016 SMI’s ECC was suspended along with several other companies in a nationwide crackdown launched by Lopez against erring mining companies who failed to meet environmental, health and social standards.

Kaluhhamin’s Dalinan lauded Lopez’s move but said this was but a step in the right direction.

“My people have suffered enough because of this project. It is time to kick SMI out of our lands for good,” she asserted.

The original article was first published by the Mindanao Interfaith Institute on Lumad Studies with the support of the European Union and Healing the Hurt project of the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines-Northern Mindanao Region.

Mark Ambay III is Research and Information Officer of the International Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL). He is also associated with KATRIBU National Alliance of Indigenous Peoples and Assert Socio-Economic Initiatives Network of the Philippines. Read more of his work on his blog and follow him on Facebook and Twitter.

Despite suffering typhoon Nina that hit Southern Tagalog on December 26, the date of the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) 48 years ago, the peace rally and celebration pushed through on December 28. More than a thousand people hiked for two hours to a peasant community in a guerilla zone in the mountains of Sierra Madre in Quezon to attend the peace assembly organized by the New People’s Army (NPA) Melito Glor Command.

According to Ka Diego Padilla, spokesperson of the Melito Glor Command, the red fighters helped in the rebuilding of homes and crops of the masses that were affected by typhoon Nina. It was what kept them busy during the actual date of the CPP anniversary.

The peace assembly and anniversary celebration was attended by different organizations from Metro Manila and Southern Tagalog provinces.

National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) consultant Ernesto Lorenzo criticized the non-compliance of the Government of the Philippines (GRP) to its commitment to release the remaining 400 political prisoners and the continuing military operations in civilian communities despite the GRP’s unilateral ceasefire declaration.

The third round of peace talks between the GRP and the NDFP under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte is set to resume on January 18 to 25 in Rome, Italy. A major agenda of the talks is threshing out the draft and contents of the Comprehensive Agreement for Social and Economic Reforms.

“Change is coming,” iyan ang pangako ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte mula sa kanyang kampanya sa pagkapangulo hanggang sa kanyang panunungkulan. Ngunit marami pa rin sa mga ‘di mamatay-matay na isyu ang patuloy na nagpapahirap sa mga Pilipino at inaabangan ang aksyon na gagawin ng pangulo.

Narito ang 10 isyu na hinihintay ng mamamayan ang pagbabago. Ang listahan na ito ay hindi naka-ranggo.

Kontraktuwalisasyon

Pinakamahalagang ipinangako ng Pangulo sa usaping ito ang mismong pagwawakas ng kontraktuwalisasyon sa loob ng isang taon. Sinabi ng administrasyon na magiging regular na ang kalahati sa kasalukuyang mga kontraktwal na manggagawa sa pagtatapos ng taong ito, tapos wala nang kontraktwal pagdating ng 2017.

Nagpanukala naman ang Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) ng ‘win-win’ solution, na tila mapapawi lang ang pagiging kontraktwal sa pangalan. Laman ng sinasabing ‘win-win’ solution na bigyan ng mga benepisyo na mayroon ang mga regular na manggagawa gaya ng leave credits, 13th month pay, SSS, Philhealth, at iba pa. Kasama rin dito na maaaring maililipat ang mga manggagawa batay sa pangangailangan. Hindi na rin daw gagamitin ang agency, pero papayagan ang mga kumpanya na kumuha ng mga manggagawa o mag-outsource ng seasonal kung ganoon ang panangailangan. Ang mga mawawalan ng trabaho ay kailangan hanapan ng trabaho sa loob ng tatlong buwan o kung umayaw na maghintay ang manggagawa ay bibigyan siya ng separation pay at wala nang obligasyon sa kanya ang kumpanya. Magkakaroon daw ng mga mahigpit na patakaran sa mga kumpanya gaya ng hindi pagpayag na magkaroon ng subcontractor ang mga contractor sa construction, pagkakaroon ng sapat na kapital ng mga kumpanya na kayang pasahurin at bigyan ng mga benepisyo ang mga manggagawa nito. Nakabalangkas na ang panukalang ito bilang Department Order (DO) 30, na sinasabi nila DOLE Secretary Silvestre Bello III na papalit sa DO 18-A na nagliligalisa sa kontraktuwalisasyon at lumampas sa mga probisyon ng mga batas sa paggawa sa bansa.

Tinawag itong ‘lose-lose solution’ ng mga grupo ng manggagawa, kabilang ang Kilusang Mayo Uno, Trade Union Congress of the Philippines, Nagkaisa, Partido Manggagawa, at iba pa. Panawagan ng mga manggagawa pigilan ang DO 30 at sa halip ay totohanin ng gobyerno na wakasan ang lahat ng porma ng kontraktuwalisasyon.

Trapik sa Metro Manila

Bata, kabataan, matanda, guro, estudyante, doktor, call center agent, kung ikaw ay taga-Metro Manila, apektado ka sa malalang pagsisikip ng trapik sa Metro Manila. Mayroong mahigit 520,000 na sasakyan ang bumabyahe sa EDSA sa parehong direksyon araw-araw. Oras at milyong pera ang nasasayang araw araw sa paghihintay na makarating sa kani-kanilang mga destinasyon ang mga mamamayang naiipit sa trapik. Bukod rito maraming mga kaguluhan tulad ng mga pag-aaway at aksidente ang dulot ng ng trapik. Lalong malala ang trapik sa pagdaan nitong panahon ng Kapaskuhan.

Para namang na-déjà vu ang mga mamamayan sa binitiwang pahayag ni Department of Transportation Secretary Arthur Tugade na isa lamang itong ‘state of mind’ ng mga Pilipino.

Nakabinbin halos mula sa pagbubukas muli ng Kongreso ang hinihinging emergency powers para sa pangulo para tugunan ang trapik. Bahagi ng mga panukala na paggagamitan ng emergency power ang mga proyekto sa kalsada, tren at transportasyong panghimpapawid. Sa kalsada, nariyan ang plano sa metro bus raid transit line at mga integrated terminal. Sa tren, planong i-extend ang LRT-1 sa Cavite, ang LRT-2 sa Pier 4 at Masinag, at ang PNR sa Pampanga at Laguna gayundin ang pagtatayo ng 5 pang linya ng tren. Sa pamamahala naman, nais na ireorganisa ng pangulo ang Land Transportation Office (LTO), Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board (LTFRB) at Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA).

Dumarami pa rin ang mga sasakyan at taong dumadagsa sa Kamaynilaan. Sapat na nga kaya ang mga proyektong ito para tugunan ang masahol na karanasan sa trapik sa araw-araw? Made-decongest ba ang trapik sa Metro Manila kung nananatiling narito lang konsentrado ang “kaunlaran” at sa iilang urban area sa bansa?

Mass Transport System

Matatandaang binanggit ni Pangulong Duterte na isa ang mass transport system mga prayoridad na proyekto ng kanyang administrasyon. Tila nakatali pa sa emergency power sa trapik ang pagtugon sa inaasam na mass transport system sa bansa.

Habang wala pa ito, ilan sa mga naunang solusyon ng Department of Transportation ang Communication na point-to-point bus at express connect. Nariyan din ang bus rapid transit project at modernisasyon ng mga jeep. Ngunit wala pa ring nagagawa sa pagpapabuti ng LRT-1, LRT-2 at MRT-3 na tinatangkilik ng mahigit 1.3 milyong pasahero kada araw. Dagdag pa sa pangit na serbisyo ng tren ay patuloy na lumalalang pagsikip ng trapik sa bansa, kaya naman hindi maiwan-iwan ng mga pasahero ng tren sa kabila ng bulok nitong sistema. Lalo sa pagdating nitong panahon ng Kapaskuhan, lumala ang trapik, lumala ang surge ng Uber at Grab habang hindi sapat at regular ang mga byahe pa-probinsya, na nagdulot din ng pasakit sa libu-libong naghintay sa istasyon ng mga bus, na-stranded at hindi nakauwi sa oras para makapagbakasyon o makapag-Pasko kasama ang mga pamilya.

Malaking bagay para sa mga mamamayang Pilipino na araw araw bumabyahe gamit ang pampublikong sasakyan kung magkakaroon ng mas maayos na sistema sa mass transport. Tutunguhin nga ba ng administrasyon ang paglulunsad ng episyenteng mass transport system? Papatakbuhin na ba ng gobyerno ang sistema ng transportasyon sa bansa sa halip na ipagpatuloy ang mga hindi pantay na kontrata sa mga private maintenance contractors nito na malubha ang kalidad ang serbisyo?

De-kalidad at makamasang edukasyon

Unang taon ito ng pagpapatupad ng Senior High School (SHS) sa programang K to 12 na ipinatupad mula pa sa nakaraang administrasyong Aquino. Tinatayang 400,000 ang hindi nakapag-aral at aabot sa 200,000-400,000 muli ang hindi makaka-enrol sa Hunyo 2017, kung saan mapupunuan na pareho ang Grade 11 at 12 ng SHS.

Nagpapatuloy pa rin ang mga neoliberal na polisiya sa edukasyon na naglalayong lumikha ng laksa-laksang semi-skilled labor para sa mga lokal at internasyunal na kumpanya at nagreresulta sa pagbabansot sa kinabukasan ng bansa at ng mga kabataan. Bukod sa programang K to 12, nariyan ang academic calendar shift ng mga unibersidad, ang napipintong GE reform sa University of the Philippines at higit sa lahat, ang patuloy na pagsusulong ng libreng edukasyon.

Sa kabila ng napakaraming problemang ito, patuloy pa rin ang hanay ng mga estudyante sa paggigiit ng kanilang karapatan sa abot-kaya at de-kalidad na edukasyon. Sa pagtatapos ng buwan ng Disyembre, isang magandang balita ang bumungad sa mga estudyante nang maaprubahan ang P8 billion na pondo sa mga state universities and colleges na nakalaan para sa libreng matrikula ng mga mag-aaral.  Naging maugong ang usap usapan tungkol sa libreng edukasyon para sa lahat ng mag-aaral sa kolehiyo sa susunod na pang-akademikong taon. Ngunit nilinaw na ito ay para sa mahihirap na mag-aaral. Ang pondong nakalaan ay para rin lamang sa iisang taon ng pag-aaral at hindi pa nakatitiyak sa mga susunod na taon o sa mga susunod na administrasyon. Para sa mga grupo ng kabataan na matagal nang nakikipaglaban para sa mas mataas na subsidyo sa edukasyon, isang indikasyon ito na posible at kaya talagang laanan ng gobyerno ang libreng edukasyon.

Pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong pulitikal

Naging malaking usapin ang pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong pulitikal sa loob ng anim na buwan sa pwesto si Duterte, lalo na sa pagtatapos ng taon kung makailang ulit na nangako si Duterte at mga opisyal ng administrasyon na palalayain ang mga bilanggong pulitikal bago sa Human Rights Day, bago mag-Pasko, bago matapos ang taon, at iba pa. Bago sana ang pangakong ito ng gobyerno, ngunit gaya ng maraming pagkakataong pagbibigay-hustisya sa mamamayan ay napako ito.

Napagkasundaan ng gobyerno at ng National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) ang pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong pulitikal bilang confidence building measures sa pagsisimula ng usapan, lalo pa’t ang pag-aresto at pagkapiit sa mga ito ay paglabag sa mga nalagdaang kasunduan sa peace talks gaya ng Comprehensive Agreement for the Respect of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) at Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG). Isa sa mga pangunahing agenda sa panunungkulan ni Pangulong Duterte ang pagkakamit ng kapayapaan sa bansa.

Unang napalaya ang 19 NDFP peace consultants para makalahok sa unang round ng peace talks noong Agosto sa Oslo, Norway. Matapos noon, nabinbin na ang pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong pulitikal na nilaman pa ng nilagdaang mga statement at communique matapos ang una at pangalawang round ng peace talks at nang ilang beses na pakikipag-usap ng mga kinatawan ng NDFP kay Duterte at pagsasabi ni Duterte na mapapalaya ang mga bilanggong pulitikal.

Bago mag-Pasko, namatay sa kumplikasyon sa mga sakit at atake sa puso ang bilanggong pulitikal na si Bernabe Ocasla, samantalang ilan pa ang napabalitang isinugod sa ospital.

Kasalukuyang may 400 na bilanggong pulitikal kung saan 130 ang may sakit, 103 ang nakakulong ng mahigit sampung taon, 37 ang matatanda at 33 ang kababaihan. Nasa 15 ang inaresto sa ilalim ng panunugkulan ng bagong pangulo.

Tunay na reporma sa lupa

Isang positibong pag-usad sa usapin ng tunay na reporma sa lupa sa bansa ang pagkakatalaga kay Rafael “Ka Paeng” Mariano bilang Kalihim ng Kagawaran ng Repormang Argraryo. Pinuri si Ka Paeng, gayundin ang kanyang boss sa sangay ng ehekutibo si Duterte, sa pagbubukas ng opisina sa mga magsasaka. Gayundin, nagpatupad siya ng moratorium sa tambyolo land reform sa Hacienda Luisita at nagpamahagi ng lupa sa Camarines Norte, Cebu, at Cagayan Valley.

Hinaharap naman ni Ka Paeng at ng mga magsasaka ang nagpapatuloy na karahasan at paggigiit mga panginoong maylupa, mga goons at iba pang napapatakbo ng impluwens gaya sa pagsunog sa piket ng mga magsasaka sa Hacienda Luisita at sa pamamaril sa mga magsasaka ng Lapanday.

Patuloy na nararanasan ng mga magsasaka ang kagutuman. Sa isang bayang agrikultural kung saan 75% ng populasyon ng bansa ay magsasaka at kung saan konsentrado sa 1% ang 52% ng lupa, nananatiling isa sa pinakamalaking hamon ang reporma sa lupa.

Biktima ng Bagyong Yolanda

Tatlong taon na ang nakakalipas simula ng hagupitin ang bansa ng pinamalakas na bagyong naitala sa kasaysayan. Mahigit anim na libo ang namatay at nasa milyon ang ari-ariang nawala paglipas ng bagyong Yolanda. Dagdag pa rito ang trauma at hirap na dinaranas ng mga naiwang biktima.

Sa kabila nito, tila mailap ang naging suporta ng administrasyong Aquino sa mga biktima. Maraming naging mga anomalya pagdating sa tulong na ipinaabot ng mga Pilipino mula sa ibang panig ng bansa maging ang mga tulong mula sa mga dayuhan. Mula pa lamang sa paunang relief good hanggang sa mga proyektong pabahay ay hindi lubusang napapakinabangan ng mga biktima.

Pagdating ng administrasyong Durterte, ayon sa Commission on Audit report noong Oktubre, nasa mahigit 30 porsyento pa lamang ang nasisimulan sa programa ng rehabilitasyon, mahigit 30 porsyento rin ang malapit ng simulan at ang natitira ay wala pang usad. Sa pagpasok ng ikaapat na taon matapos ang bagyong Yolanda, inaasahan ang mas mabilis at komprehensibong pagtugon sa rehabilitasyong kinakailangan ng mga biktima.

Freedom of Information Bill

Mula pa 2010 hinihintay ang pagkakaroon ng batas sa kalayaan sa impormasyon. Bahagi kasi ito ng mga ipinangako ni Noynoy Aquino sa pagtakbo sa pagkapangulo. Pero nang unang umupo si Aquino, hindi man lang nabanggit ang Freedom of Information (FOI) bill sa priority bills sa kahit anong State of the Nation Address ng dating pangulo. Hanggang sa huli ay ipinasa na niya lamang sa Kongreso ang responsibilidad. Sinabi pa ng pangulo na matapat naman ang kanyang administrasyon kaya’t hindi nakikita ang pangangailangan ng FOI.

Samantala, nang umupo si Pangulong Duterte ay pinirmahan noong Hulyo ang isang executive order sa FOI. Saklaw nito ang ehekutibong sangay at bukas ang lahat ng dokumentong ninanais ng mga mamamayan na makita maliban lamang sa mga itatakda ng Department of Justice. Inaasahan na mas mapalawig pa ang sakop FOI kung ito ay maisasabatas ng Kongreso upang masusugan ang karapatan ng mamamayan sa kalayaan sa impormasyon ayon sa Konstitusyon.

Pagresolba sa problema sa droga

“My God, I hate drugs.”

Wala ring nakalimot sa pagsambit ni Duterte nito. At ang pagsugpo sa droga rin ang isa sa naging prayoridad niya, lalo pa’t nagbitaw siya ng salita na matatapos ang problema sa droga sa loob ng unang tatlo hanggang anim na buwan ng kanyang panunungkulan.

Pero na-extend na ang deadline ni Duterte sa pagsugpo sa problema sa droga. At sa halip na inaasahang lahatang-panig na pagresolba sa problemang ito, ang tumambad sa mamamayan ay libu-libong bangkay ng mga diumano’y sangkot sa droga o mga nanlaban mula sa pagkaaresto.

Ayon sa ulat ng pulisya, 5,882 na pinatay mula sa pagkakaupo ni Pangulong Duterte noong Hunyo 30. Nasa 2,041 ang suspek ng ipinagbabawal na gamot ang napatay mula sa police operations, samantalang 3,841 ang bilang ng napatay ng mga hindi pa nakikilalang suspek, mga riding-in-tandem o mga tinuturing na vigilante.

Nakakahindik isiping magpapatuloy ang patayan sa loob ng buong panunungkulan ni Duterte, lalo’t hindi pa rin hinahayag sa mamamayan ang lahatang-panig o pangmatagalang solusyon na pagresolba sa usapin ng droga: ang pagresolba sa malalang kahirapan at kawalang-kaunlaran sa bansa. Kasama naman sa mga pinapunukala sa pangulo na short-term na mga solusyon ang rehabilitasyon, edukasyon at programang pangkabuhayan para sa mga nalulon sa droga. Dapat ding panagutin ang mga malaking pusher at protektor ng droga, isang bagay din na hindi pa nagagawa sa ngayon samantalang libu-libong maliliit na pusher o user ang hindi man lang nililitis, pero agad na napapatay.

Pagresolba sa kahirapan

Isa sa mga isinusulong ni Pangulong Duterte mula sa kanyang 10-point economic agenda ay ang mabisang pagsugpo sa kahirapan ng bansa, ngunit tila hindi pa rin nararamdaman ng mga mamamayan ang mga bunga ng nasabing plano.

Nanatiling mahigit 70 porsyento ng mga Pilipino ang nasa ilalim ng poverty line ngayong 2016. Batay ito sa pinakabagong pagsisiyasat ng IBON Foundation kung saan nagtanong sila sa mahigit 1,500 na residente kung itinuturing ba nilang kabilang sila sa mahihirap na hanay ng mga Pilipino. Nakikitang rason dito ay ang kasalukuyang unemployment rate o bilang ng mga Pilipinong walang trabaho o kulang ang kinikita at mataas na bilang ng kontraktwalisasyon sa bansa.

Patuloy naman ang 4Ps o Pantawid Pamilya Pilipino Program sa ilalim ni Pangulong Duterte. Ayon sa bagong pamunuan ng Department of Social Work and Development (DSWD), pang-ampat lamang ang 4Ps at hindi solusyon sa kahirapan. Sa direksyon ng bagong kalihim ng DSWD na si Prof. Judy Taguiwalo, dinagdagan ng 18 kilong bigas ang 4Ps at patuloy na ina-audit ang listahan ng mga nakakatanggap ng 4Ps at ang paraan sa pagtiyak ng pag-aabot ng perang tulong sa mga benepisyaryo.

Inaasahang pagdating ng 2017 ay maging mas maagap ang pamahalaan sa patuloy na pagsugpo ng kahirapan sa bansa lalong lalo na sa pagpapatupad ng mga polisiyang tunay na naglilingkod at pinakikinabangan ng mga mamamayan. Bahagi ng mga hinahapag sa peace talks ng gobyerno sa NDFP ang mga repormang panlipunan at pang-ekonomya, kasama na ang pagresolba ng kahirapan at kawalan ng nakabubuhay na trabaho sa pamamagitan ng reporma sa lupa at pambansang industriyalisasyon.

Patuloy na umaasa ang mamamayang Pilipino na magkakaroon ng tunay na pagbabago sa bansa. Pero tiyak na hindi naman tayo aasa na lang at maghihintay, patuloy na itutulak ng mamamayan ang mga makabuluhang pagbabago para sa bayan.

Labas sa mga trending topics na ipinalaganap ng kulturang popular (pop culture) at mainstream media sa taong 2016, hindi nagpahuli ang kilusang masa sa pagpapalaganap ng mga hashtags sa iba’t ibang social media platforms gaya ng Facebook, Twitter, Instagram at iba pa upang patampukin ang samu’t saring mga isyu, pakikibaka at laban ng mamamayan noong nakaraang taon.

Naging maingay at pinag-usapan hindi lang sa loob ng bansa kundi maging sa Worldwide trends ang ilang mga hashtag topics na binitbit ng iba’t ibang mga progresibong organisasyong masa.

Namaksimisa sa pagpapalaganap ng mga mahahalagang usaping pambayan at usapin ng mga marginalized sectors sa lipunan ang mga hashtags at social media nitong nakaraang taon. Susi sa epektibidad at lawak ng naabot nito sa hanay ng mga netizens ang mahusay na pagdama at pagbihag sa sentimyento ng panggitnang uri na may hawak sa opinyong publiko, dati sa trdisyunal na media at ngayon, maging sa social media.  Naging mabisang daluyan din ng mga panawagan at pagsusuri sa mga maraming usapin ang social media sa pamamagitan ng mga trending hashtags noong 2016.

Ang pagiging trending din ng mga hashtags na ito ang dahilan kung bakit nailalathala at naibrodkas ang mga kampanya at pakikibakang masang ito sa mainstream media. Bukod sa pagpasok nito sa mga balita sa mga dominanteng pahayagan, radyo, telebisyon at internet ay niyakap ito ng masa at nakapanghikayat sa kanilang kumilos sa abot ng kanilang kakayanin.

Narito ang sampung hashtags na tumatak sa kilusang masa sa taong 2016:

#MRTBulok

Nagmistulang mabisang ulatan ng bayan ang social media sa kanilang mga reklamo hinggil sa bulok na mga pasilidad at sistema ng mass transport, partikular ang MRT at LRT. Nitong 2016, nagpatuloy ang paggamit ng mga naperwisyong mga mananakay ng MRT at LRT ang hashtag na #MRTBulok upang iparating sa kinauukulan, maging sa mga kapwa nila netizens ang mga usapin ng mahahabang pila, nasiraang bagon ng tren, hindi sumasarang mga pintuan ng tren, tumutulong tubig at maraming iba pa.

Reklamo ng marami, walang nagbago sa pamamalakad sa MRT at sa mga bulok at kulang-kulang nitong pasilidad gayong taong 2015 pa nang magtaas ng singil ng pasahe ang Department of Transportation and Communication (DOTC) at LRT Authority. Samu’t saring protesta na rin ang nailunsad ng iba’t ibang mga grupo kaugnay nito.

Mas tumampok ang hashtag na #MRTBulok nang mapabalitang hinuli ng mga gwardya ng MRT sa Quezon Avenue ang aktibista at commuter rights advocate na si Angelo Suarez noong Agosto 23, 2016 dahil diumano sa pagsusulat nito ng “MRT BULOK” sa isang tren ng MRT. Kahit walang direktang ebidensya, kinasuhan at ikinulong pa rin si Suarez at pinalaya na lamang kinabukasan.

#EndContractualization

Hindi rin nagpahuli ang manggagawang Pilipino sa pagtutulak ng kanilang adbokasiya laban sa kontraktwalisasyon o “endo” sa larangan ng social media. Gamit ang hashtag na #EndContractualization, ipinahayag nila ang kanilang mga sentimyento at pagsingil sa nabibinbing pangako ni Pangulong Duterte na wawakasan nito ang “endo” sa unang anim na buwan ng kanyang panunungkulan.

Gamit din ang hashtag na ito, mas tumampok ang pagsasamantala sa mga manggagawang kontraktwal at mas naipakita sa madla kung sinu-sinong mga kompanya ang mayroong malalaking bilang ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa na pinangungunahan ni Henry Sy na may humigit kumulang 40,000 kontraktwal na empleyado at sinusundan ng PLDT ni Manny Pangilinan na may 29,000 kontraktwal at Jollibee Foods Corporation ni Tony Tan Caktiong na may 28,000 na manggagawang kontraktwal.

Tampok din sa taong 2016 ang pagkakapanalo ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa ng higanteng kompanya sa mass media na GMA kung saan idineklara ng National Labor Relations Center o NLRC na regular na mga empleyado ng GMA na kasapi ng Talents Association of GMA-7 o TAG.

#TheChangeWeNeed

Ang #TheChangeWeNeed ang hashtag na ipinantapat sa islogang “Change is Coming” na bitbit ng administrasyong Duterte sa kanyang pag-upo sa kapangyarihan. Nagsilbing daluyan ang hashtag na ito upang maiparating ng simpleng mamamayan ang kanilang mga nais na pagbabagong maramdaman sa loob ng anim na taong panunungkulan ng bagong gobyerno na nangako ng pagbabago.

Isinabay ang pagpapalaganp ng nasabing hashtag habang inihahanda ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) ang isang National People’s Summit sa Maynila noong Hunyo 29, 2016 bago ang inagurasyon ni Pangulong Duterte. Sa nasabing pagtitipon, malaki ang naitulong ng mga nakalap na mga kahilingan ng mamamayan gamit ang #TheChangeWeNeed upang isama sa inihandang “People’s Agenda for Change” na iniabot mismo kay Duterte.

Umabot pa hanggang sa unang State of the Nation Address (SONA) ni Duterte noong Hulyo 25, 2016 at sa ika-100 araw nito sa pwesto noong Oktubre 7, 2016 ang paggamit ng #TheChangeWeNeed upang makuha pang higit ang pulso ng mamamayan hinggil sa mga usapin sa ekonomiya, patakarang panlipunan, kapayapaan, karapatang pantao, pambansang soberanya at patakarang panlabas ng administrasyong Duterte.

#FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners

Upang gunitain ang Pandaigdigang Araw ng Karapatang Pantao para sa taong 2016 at ipanawagan ng grupong Karapatan ang pagpapalaya sa mahigit 400 na mga bilanggong pulitikal sa buong bansa, inilunsad at itinirik ang #FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners Solidarity Fasting Center sa paanan mismo ng Mendiola simula Disyembre 3-10. Layon nitong itulak ang administrasyong Duterte na tuparin ang ipinangako nitong pagpapalaya ng lahat ng mga bilanggong pulitikal.

Umani rin ng malakas na suporta ang kampanyang ito maging sa social media nang gamitin ng mga netizens ang hashtag na #FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners. Unang ginamit ang hashtag na ito noong nakaraang taon simula pa lamang nang maupo si Pangulong Duterte nang sinabi nitong sisimulan na ang usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng gobyerno ng Pilipinas at ng National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Matapos nito ay isa-isa nang pinalaya ang mga NDFP peace consultants kabilang ang mag-asawang Wilma Austria at Benito Tiamzon.

Hanggang sa kasalukuyan, patuloy ang panawagan para sa pagpapalaya ng mahigit sa 300 pang mga bilanggong pulitikal. At lalong paulit-ulit na lumulutang ang hashtag sa kada kapapangako ni Duterte at kanyang mga opisyal ng pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong pulitikal.

Sunod-sunod din ang mga pangyayari na nag-udyok sa paulit-ulit na paglaganap ng hashtag na ito. Nobyembre 25 nang kinamatayan na ng bilanggong pulitikal na si Bernabe Ocasla, 66 sa Jose Reyes Memorial Hospital ang paghihintay sa kanyang kalayaan. Bagamat tila nagmamatigas pa si Duterte, sinabi naman nitong handa na niyang palayain di umano ang mga nakapiit pang mga matatanda na at mga maysakit. Bago ang taunang paggunita sa Pandaigdigang Araw ng Karapatang Pantao sa Disyembre 10, naglunsad ng isang linggong hunger strike at fasting ang mga bilanggong pulitikal, kanilang mga pamilya at tagasuporta at mga miyembro ng mga progresibong organisasyon. Sa anibersaryo naman ng Communist Party of the Philippines, nagdaos ng mga peace rallies sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa at nanawagan ng pagpapalaya ng mga bilanggong pulitikal bilang pagsunod sa mga kasunduan sa peace talks.

#BigasHindiBala

Bigas ang hiningi ng gutom na mga magsasaka ng Kidapawan, ngunit bala ang ginanti sa kanila ng pamahalaan. Naglabasan ang maraming hashtag tugon sa usaping ito hanggang napag-isa ito sa #BigasHindiBala, matapos ang madugong dispersal sa kahabaan ng Cotabato-Davao Highway tanghali ng Abril 1, 2016. May 15,000 sako ng bigas ang matagal nang nakabinbing ibigay sa mga magsasakang ilang buwan nang biktima ng El Nino at nakararanas ng gutom. Kung kaya’t sila ay nagbarikada at nagprotesta upang igiit ang agarang pag-release ng relief goods na bigas.

Ilang oras lang matapos ang pandarahas ay naging Worldwide trending topic ang #BigasHindiBala sa Twitter. Umani ng simpatiya at tulong ang mga magsasaka mula sa mga netizens at ilang mga sikat na personalidad gaya nila Robin Padilla, Angel Locsin, Manny Pacquiao, Daniel Padilla, Bianca Gonzales, Aiza Seguerra at marami pang iba.

Bukod sa mga nakalap na suporta, nagsilbing inspirasyon ang social media campaign na #BigasHindiBala at nagmitsa ng iba pang mga katulad na barikada at porma ng pagkilos ang naitala sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa upang magsama-sama ang mga biktima ng kagutuman at tagtuyot na maningil ng tulong mula sa pamahalaan.

#LakbayanPambansangMinorya

Oktubre 19, 2016 nang maganap marahas na dispersal sa pagkilos sa harapan ng US Embassy sa Maynila nang sagasaan ni PO3 Franklin Kho sa utos ni MPD Col. Marcelino Pedroso ang mga nagpoprotestang mga pambansang minorya na kasapi ng bagong tatag na alyansang Sandugo. Nasa ika-anim na araw noon ng #LakbayanPambansangMinorya nang maganap ang nasabing karahasan na lumikha ng ingay hindi lamang sa Pilipinas kundi maging sa labas ng bansa.

Bitbit ng mga pambansang minorya ang pagsuporta sa panawagan ni Pangulong Duterte para sa isang nagsasariling patakarang panlabas o independent foreign policy nang magtungo sila sa harapan ng embahada ng US. Mahigit isangdaan ang nasugatan at dinala sa mga pamagutan dahil sa insidente, kabilang ang 61 anyos na Lumad na si Baling Katubigan.

Sinundan pa ng araw-araw na protesta ng #LakbayanPambansangMinorya ang mahigit sa tatlong linggong pananatili ng mga lakbayani mula sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa kabilang ang mga protesta sa opisina ng Department of Justice, National Commission on Indigenous People, Camp Crame, Camp Aguinaldo, Philippine Stocks Exchange at marami pang iba.

#StopTheKillings

Laman araw-araw ng mga balita ang kaliwa’t kanang patayan sa mga maralitang mga komunidad dahil sa “gera kontra droga” na pinasimulan ng gobyernong Duterte. Sa kasalukuyan, umaabot na sa halos 6,000 ang mga namamatay sa buong bansa.

Dahil dito, pinasimulan ang kampanya at hashtag na #StopTheKillings upang maging ugnayan ng pagtutol laban sa sunod-sunod na pagpatay. Ginagamit rin ang hashtag na ito upang manawagan ng pagrespeto sa buhay at pagtugon sa kahirapan na siyang ultimong ugat sa suliranin ng bansa sa iligal na droga.

Sa pagtatayo rin ng Stop The Killings Network at Rise Up For Life, nakapaglunsad na ng iba’t ibang mga aktibidad sa mga paaralan, komunidad at simbahan gaya ng #LightForLife candle-lighting, photo exhibits, inter-faith prayer gathering, noise barrage at rally sa opisina ng Department of Interior and Local Government sa Quezon City.

#MarcosNoHero

Naging maingay ang huling bahagi ng 2016 dahil sa pagbabasura ng Korte Suprema sa mga petisyon laban sa paglilibing kay dating Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos sa Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB).

Resulta nito, nag-anak ng malalaking pagkilos ang mamamayan sa pangnguna ng mga kabataan at estudyante sa iba’t ibang mga pamantasan gaya sa University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University, De La Salle University, Adamson University, Far Eastern University at marami pang iba.

Nag-trending naman ang #MarcosNoHero at #BlackFriday noong Nobyembre 18, 2016 nang mismong araw ng paglilibing kay Marcos sa LNMB. Nasundan pa ito nang magsama-sama ang iba’t ibang mga organisasyon sa pangunguna ng Bayan at Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacanang (CARMMA) sa isang mas malaking pagkilos sa Luneta noong Nobyembre 25.

#CHexit

Nagsimula ang #CHexit sa isang protestang pinangunahan ng Bayan Metro Manila sa harapan ng konsulado ng Tsina sa Lungsod ng Makati noong Hulyo 11, 2016. Isinunod ang nasabing hashtag sa #Brexit o ang pagkalas ng Great Britain sa European Union na nangyari at sumikat sa buong mundo bago lang muling uminit ang usapin sa panghihimasok ng Tsina sa teritoryo ng Pilipinas.

Ang nasabing protesta noong Hulyo ay itinaon bago maglabas ng desisyon ang Permanent Court of Arbitration sa The Hague, Netherlands sa kaso ng pag-angkin ng Tsina sa South China Sea kabilang ang mga katubigan na sakop ng Pilipinas. Kinabukasan, inilabas ang desiyon na pumapabor sa Pilipinas na ipinagbunyi ng buong bansa. Naging daluyan na rin ng pagkakaisa para itulak ang matagal nang hinihintay na desisyong ito ang paggamit ng #CHexit sa social media.

Sa mahigit dalawang araw ay naging top trending topic ang #CHexit sa Pilipinas at sa Worldwide trend na lumikha ng ingay sa iba’t ibang malalaking mainstream media outfits sa loob at labas ng bansa.

#JustPeace

Pinakatampok na hashtag ngayong taon ang #JustPeace at ilang mga katulad na mga hashtags patungkol sa kampanya hinggil sa makatarungan at pangmatagalang kapayapaan at usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng GRP at NDFP pagkapasok na pagkapasok pa lamang ng administrasyong Duterte. Kabilang sa mga kampanyang ito ay ang #JuanForPeace, #ActforPeace, #JustPeacePH at iba pa.

Sa kasalukuyan, natapos na ang dalawang rounds ng peace talks at may napipintong ikatlong pag-uusap ngayong Enero 2017. Bukod sa mga ilang napalayang mga peace consultants at pagkilala ng gobyernong Duterte sa mga napirmahan nang mga kasunduan sa nakaraan, layon ng nagaganap na usapang pangkapayapaan na resolbahin ang kahirapan na siyang ugat ng armadong tunggalian sa kanayunan.

Bunsod ng masigasig na kampanyang #JustPeace ay may mga City Resolutions sa Metro Manila na sumusuporta sa usapang pangkapayapaan na naipasa na sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa. Nakapaglunsad na din ng iba’t ibang mga pagtitipon gaya ng mga peace forums, peace camps at iba pa upang ibayo pang palakasin ang panawagan para sa pangmatagalang kapayapaan na nakabatay sa katarungan.

This list recognizes celebrities who supported people’s issues in 2016 and whose influence helped amplify the change the masses want and need.

1. Celebrities for #BigasHindiBala

Solidarity and donations poured in from many celebrities when the Kidapawan Massacre took place. The Aquino regime’s fascist response took down protesting drought-stricken farmers in North Cotobato, known as Kidapawan shooting in April 1 and more popularly as the event that made viral the indignation #BigasHindiBala.

Action star Robin Padilla visited and addressed the thousands upon thousands of farmers who were attacked and harassed by the military, despite being sheltered inside the sanctuary of the Spottswood Methodist Church.

He said, “Nandito ako dahil Pilipino ako. Yung mga nangyayari sa inyo hindi yan dapat nangyayari sa Pilipino. Ang batas, dapat ang pinapanigan nyan ang mga naaapi… Itong boses ko aalingawngaw to… papaalingawngawin ko ito sa Maynila.”

Robin and his family of actors and actresses donated the sacks of rice to the 5,000 Kidapawan farmers. Robin personally bought 200 sacks of rice while Mariel Rodriguez (his wife), Daniel (his nephew) and Karla Estrada (Daniel’s mother) likewise donated sacks of rice.

Joining the Padilla family in donating sacks of rice are Angel Locsin, Anne Curtis-Smith, Jasmine Curtis-Smith, Bianca Gonzales-Intal, Luis Manzano, Erika Padilla, Megan Young, Mikael Daez, and filmmakers Perci Intalan and Jun Lana.

Miss World Philippines 2001 Carlene Aguilar-Ocampo expressed her solidarity to the farmers as well as she posted a photo in her Instagram account where she holds grains of rice in her palm. She said, “Ipaglaban at alagaan natin sila. Huwag daanin sa dahas.

2. The Seguerras

In 2015, Aiza & Liza Diño-Seguerra arduously supported the struggle of the Lumads for their ancestral land. As the year turned and both were appointed into positions under the Rodrigo Duterte administration (Aiza as the National Youth Commission Chairperson and CEO and Liza as the Film Development Council of the Philippines Chairperson), the couple did not wane in their support for the struggles of our indigenous people in Mindanao.

Like in 2015, they continue to join activities of the Lakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya para sa Sariling Pagpapasya at Makatarungang Kapayapaan last October 8 to 31. The Lakbayan is a historic nationwide caravan of national minorities and Moro people in the country that aims to amplify their call for their right to self-determination and the peoples clamor to attain just and lasting peace.

Their government positions did not stop them to criticize and condemn the Philippine National Police for the brutal dispersal of indigenous peoples and activists at the US Embassy last October. Several were seriously injured including children, women and elderly indigenous peoples. On the day of the brutal dispersal, the couple immediately went to the hospital and personally checked the situation of the victims.

When the Kidapawan shooting transpired on April 1, where two farmers were killed and 79 were arrested, the couple did their best to mount the bail issued by Kidapawan Municipal Trial Court Judge Rebecca De Leon pegged at P6,000 per individual. They were able raise P546,000.

“Most came from artists from the entertainment industry and friends who readily gave their support but there were other groups who donated as well to fulfill the amount. MARAMING MARAMING SALAMAT SA TULONG NINYO…This is only the beginning. Mahaba-haba pa po ang journey na ito. The goal is for all these charges to be dropped at madismiss ang kaso… Wag po tayong bibitaw. Patuloy po nating ipakita ang ating pakikiisa sa kanilang laban upang makamit ang HUSTISYA,” said Liza in her Facebook post.

3. The Medinas

The Medina family has supported people’s issues in previous years especially during the call for the ouster of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at the time of gross human rights violations and allegations of corruption.

In 2016, the Medinas once again joined the march of the people, this time, to firmly oppose the Marcos burial and their attempts to return to power.

Though famous, they remain humble in the eyes of many during protests. They do not seek recognition in rally programs nor do they treat themselves as VIPs during protests. They join the crowd like simple people clad in shirts in the requested color to be worn, carrying placards and carrying on despite sun or rain.  This family of actors continue to share not only good talent and looks but also good hearts as well.

4. Juana Change

Another oldie but always a goodie in terms of taking stands on issues, Mae Paner aka Juana Change never failed to please the crowd with her performance art and costumes in several protests this year.

Marking her most exceptional outfit in the protest runway would be her #CHexit inspired ensemble where she ornamented her head with a mock-up of BP Katatagan, the corroded Philippine warship stationed at the disputed West Philippine Sea.

Paner ended the year performing in front of an angry middle-finger raising crowd as she mimicked Imelda Marcos, cuddling an effigy of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, during the #BlackFriday protest in Luneta Park last November.

5. Monique Wilson and Sugar Mercado

Monique Wilson and Sugar Mercado has One Billion Rising in common.

For world-renowned thespian and singer Monique Wilson, the parliament of the streets has become her Broadway. Wilson continued to champion women’s rights and welfare on a global scale as she spearheads the international campaign One Billion Rising. Though always out-of-the-country, Wilson made sure to visit and integrate with the Lumad in their evacuation site and other groups that participated in the campaign. The political savvy Wilson also consistently espouses in words and deeds that women emancipation is not a struggle above class—it is class struggle.

From the Broadway of Manhattan, New York to the Broadway Centrum near New York, Cubao – Eat Bulaga’s Sugar Mercado joins our list of brave women.

This former Sexbomb member had her unfair share of violence against women. Physically and psychologically abused by her husband, Sugar decided to break her silence and took him to court. She sought the support of Gabriela in her fight and she fought well indeed. She gave back to the struggle of the women by doing what she knows best: dancing. Sugar became the face of the instructional dance video of Gabriela Womens Partylist’s campaign jingle during the 2016 elections.

6. Nora Aunor

Straight from an out-of-town shoot of her scenes for a film, Nora Aunor marched under the scorching heat of the sun last April to condemn the Kidapawan Massacre. This is not the first time that the Superstar went to the streets to support people’s issues.

Tagged by many as the greatest (living) Filipino actor Aunor was known to support migrant issues, but she may all be for social justice and genuine social change as well. She was also in our 2015 list of celebrities who supported people’s issues, for the #SaveMaryJane campaign. She was also active for the commemoration of the death of Flor Contemplacion, an Overseas Filipino Worker who was sentenced to death in Singapore and whom Aunor portrayed in a film.

“Nalulungkot po ako na marinig ang mga nangyari sa mga farmers. At sana ho mabigyan ng justice ang ginawa sa kanila. Lalo na sa gobyerno natin sana hindi nila balewalain ang ginawa sa farmers,” said Nora in a video statement.

7. Mara Lopez

Surfing is not the only thing that made Mara Lopez so stoked in 2016. The young actress continuously helps in making waves for people’s issues. Her participation in the advocacy to free political prisoners made her part of our 2015 list. Come 2016, Lopez took time to personally visit the Lumads at the Kampuhan sa UP Diliman and learn from their fight. Meeting the dauntless woman Manobo tribe leader Bai Bibyaon inspired Mara more to support people’s struggles.

She posted a photo of Bai Bibyaon’s hands in her Instagram account and said, “Hands of a warrior. Had the pleasure of meeting Bai Bibyaon, the only woman chieftain of the Manobo Tribe in the Philippines. She’s 90 and strong – fighting for their ancestral domain, the right to self-determination and peace.”

8. Mocha Uson

Many didn’t imagine that Mocha Uson could be an influential icon for politics in the online world. She emerged as a most effective propaganda machine of the Duterte campaign and then the administration. She earned controversy, threats, bashers, supporters and the lot. She is both loved and loathed, trending for and against her posts. As of writing, she has 4,670,048 followers in Facebook and her posts get viewed up to almost more than 7 million (video) and shared up to more than 120,000 times (video). When it could be used for the good of the people, her following could only mean good.

When Duterte became president, Uson quickly applied to be a volunteer for the Department of Social Welfare and Development, which is currently under the progressive leadership of Sec. Judy Taguiwalo. In between gigs, she takes time to discuss and interview militant leaders and attend protest activities.

She visited the Kampuhan sa UP Diliman where the national minorities and Moros stayed during their Manilakbayan. In her Facebook page she said, “Dapat ay managot ang dapat managot sa nangyaring ito! Para sa akin, kahit anong rason, wala man silang permit o tinangkang agawin ang sasakyan ng pulis, hindi pa din nararapat na sagasaan ang mga rallyista ng paulit ulit na parang hindi mga tao ang tinatamaan niya.”

9. Vivian Velez

The year 2016 was also a time when the entertainment industry lost colleagues of their own mainly due to health issues which include Filipino horror film pillar Lilia Cuntapay and action villain Dick Israel.

Stars do not shine forever. For actress Vivian Velez, it is apt to say so. Velez, along with Nadia Montenegro and fellow celebrities, lead the Damay Kamay Foundation which primarily aims to support the medical needs of the people who work on and off camera through donations and various projects.

The seasoned actress likened the situation of those working in the entertainment industry with the country’s glaring problem of rampant contractualization. Since many people who work in the showbiz industry are hired like contractual workers, many, if not all, don’t have medical benefits and don’t fully enjoy their right to work as regular employees. She called on the Duterte administration to swiftly address the contractualization problem in the country joining the strong clamor of the Filipino workers.

The administration’s promise to end contractualization is yet to be realized.

10. John Lloyd Cruz

We continue to have John Lloyd Cruz at his best when the Philippine labor is at its worst.

Cruz agreed with the growing sentiment to create labor unions in the entertainment industry at a time when organized labor is attacked by neoliberal policies such as labor flexibilization (i.e. contractualization, labor only contracting, just in time, casualization).

In an interview with the Philippine Daily Inquirer he said, “Producers and network people think of it (union) as something negative. It’s actually a good thing. From the world itself, it will unite the industry. It will protect not just the actors and crew members, but also writers and members of the creative team.”

Here are the top people’s issues and people’s struggles of 2016.

1. Repudiation of Daang Matuwid

The defeat of the Liberal Party’s presidential candidate reflected the seething rage of the people toward the corrupt, inept and callous regime of Daang Matuwid. President Noynoy Aquino started his term in 2010 with a popular mandate but he squandered his legacy when his government expanded the presidential pork, boosted Public-Private-Partnerships to the detriment of ordinary consumers, bungled the post-Yolanda rehabilitation program, and intensified the militarization in mining and plantation areas. Not surprisingly, Aquino’s anointed successor was overwhelmingly rejected by voters.

2. Rise of Rodrigo Duterte

He was the last to announce his bid for the presidency and he initially lacked a national political machinery to support his candidacy but Duterte’s non-traditional ways of campaigning endeared him to the public. His phenomenal victory was historic: the first Mindanaon president and the first ‘Leftist’ to occupy the Malacanang Palace. Duterte was seen by many as an outsider who can lead the masses in challenging the Establishment. His victory was a ‘protest vote’ against the oppressive and anti-poor political system.

3. Climate injustice

The prolonged dry season caused by El Niño has exacerbated incidences of hunger, poverty, and deprivation in the countryside. Farmers and other food producers in Mindanao were seeking the urgent release of calamity funds but their desperate pleading was dismissed by bureaucratic gobbledygook and state brutality. The Philippines is vulnerable to the harsh impact of climate change but the situation is made worse by extreme poverty and inequality, bad governance, and environment plunder. Meanwhile, tropical storms wrought havoc in the Bicol region during the last quarter of the year.

4. K-12: Senior High School

Despite the obvious unpreparedness of the education department, the senior high school (SHS) component of K-12 (it should have been named ‘TESDA in High School’) was implemented last June. The number of drop-outs was high even if this was denied by authorities, learning modules were inadequate or inaccurate, and many college teachers in private schools lost their jobs. But the corporate sector found K-12 as a lucrative potential, with tuition in SHS as high or double the rates in college. In addition, the K-12 curriculum directly promotes the labor export policy which would negatively affect the country’s human capital in the succeeding years.

5. #CHexit

China’s bully behavior in the West Philippine Sea was officially recorded in the proceedings of The Permanent Court of Arbitration. The legal victory of the Philippines is part of the continuing struggle of the Filipino people to assert our sovereignty in our lands and territorial waters. Duterte eventually adopted a different strategy in dealing with China but it should not invalidate or undermine the historic significance of the PCA ruling.

6. Oplan Tokhang: The bloody ‘War on Drugs’

Duterte’s ambitious promise to get rid of the drug menace in six months has emboldened the police to launch an aggressive anti-drug campaign. The police claimed that they killed 2,206 drug personalities but they also acknowledged that there were 4,049 victims of vigilante-style killings. More than a million people have already surrendered to authorities but drug-related extrajudicial killings continue to victimize mainly the poor and powerless. Duterte was initially right to run after the big time protectors of drug lords but the campaign soon relapsed into a killing frenzy in urban poor communities and political circus performed by traditional politicians. The ‘War on Drugs’ is bound to fail if the militarist approach will remain dominant instead of addressing the socio-economic needs of the people.

7. Resumption of peace talks with communist rebels

Duterte’s decision to resume the stalled peace negotiations between the government and communist rebels has raised the prospects of achieving just and lasting peace in Philippine society. Duterte endorsed the release of communist leaders and affirmed his support for the previously signed peace documents. The rebels, on the other hand, reciprocated by declaring a unilateral ceasefire. But the earlier optimism to expedite the peace talks has been replaced by less enthusiasm because of the continuing deployment of government troops in rebel-controlled villages, the non-release of political prisoners (especially the sick and elderly), and the impasse on the framework of the socio-economic reforms.

8. Neoliberal economics

There were moments in 2016 when some aspects of neoliberalism became part of mainstream political agenda. During the campaign period, presidential candidates were unanimous in criticizing the dehumanizing features of the contractualization (Endo) labor practice. When he assumed the presidency, Duterte reaffirmed his commitment to end Endo. Duterte also vowed to dismantle the reign of oligarchs. But Duterte’s economic advisers turned out to be fanatical followers of neoliberalism as they espoused the continuation of PPP, the adoption of a win-win formula (read: pro-business) on contractualization, the planned imposition of higher regressive taxes, and the refusal to hike pension and minimum wages. Duterte’s support base among the poor will weaken if his macroeconomic policies will continue to be biased in favor of the elite and big foreign business.

9. #MarcosNoHero

The biggest rally of the year was triggered by Duterte’s collaboration with the Marcoses to bury the former dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. The real aim of the Marcoses is to revise the judgment of history which would allow them to return to power in the future. Duterte underestimated public protests and the emergence of the millennials as an influential voice opposing the hero’s burial for the deposed dictator.

10. Sandugo

The most inspiring political moment of 2016 was the grand assembly of various ethnic groups from all over the country which led to the formation of Sandugo, a national alliance espousing the protection of the cultural heritage of indigenous peoples and their right to self-determination. Sandugo is the new icon of indigenous peoples, a united community resisting foreign aggression and state-sponsored violence. Sandugo eschews the exotic stereotype of national minorities, and instead highlights the struggle of their people in defense of their ancestral domain and culture.

11. Donald Trump

His victory confounded and disturbed many people especially immigrants, people of color, and the LGBT community. A conservative leader accused of promoting racist and misogynist views. Despite his image as a corporate tycoon, he was able to gather the support of ordinary voters who felt that the system is not working for them. What will happen once Trump becomes President Trump this month? How will a Trump presidency maintain American hegemony in world affairs? Will he openly support the alleged plot to oust Duterte? Will he deport migrants and foreigners from the US, 3.4M of them Filipinos, and expose the insolvency of the American dream?

12. The Left in Cabinet

A peasant leader overseeing the government’s land distribution program? Unthinkable in the past, but thanks to Duterte’s unprecedented invitation to the Left to work with his government, we now have prominent progressives in the Cabinet. This is also an opportunity for the Left to prove their new brand of leadership and demonstrate their sincerity to fight for the rights and welfare of ordinary Filipinos, whether they are marching in the streets or making laws in Congress, and now implementing policies in the executive branch.

13. Independent foreign policy

Duterte, like no other President the country ever had, hit back at comments and criticisms of the US of how the Philippines is being ran by deploring US in its crimes to the country and the people when we were its direct colony. This sparked spats of nationalism and finally openly addressed continuing US domination and spurred interest in what could be an independent foreign policy. There should be no debate about this issue because it is a basic principle of governance. But after decades of colonial indoctrination, many intellectuals are fearful and doubtful about asserting this principle. Some are even distorting the concept by describing it as a mere anti-American policy or a pro-China initiative. Duterte’s stance to assert the Filipino interest vis-a-vis global superpowers is admirable but it must be matched by concrete actions like the abrogation of unequal military treaties and economic agreements.

14. Human rights violations

Duterte’s human rights record is an international embarrassment. The culture of impunity with respect to state-sponsored killings has worsened under his term. Aside from the drug-related killings mentioned earlier, political killings of activists, journalists, and Lumad leaders did not end under the Duterte presidency. The military is even using the anti-drug campaign to justify the harassment of peasant leaders suspected of supporting rebel groups. There are still more than 400 political prisoners in the country. Duterte’s legislative priorities such as the restoration of death penalty and the lowering of minimum age of criminal responsibility also threaten to undermine the rights of people.

5. Fake news

People cried out to fake news in social media at the time of the US elections, but in the Philippines it has become a concern a bit earlier, most alarmingly also during the the May elections. Fake news is a global dilemma that also affected the country’s political landscape. Various political groups compete for social media attention by maximizing or exploiting the Internet. Some of their loyal supporters are even spreading misinformation and other irresponsible propaganda tactics just to tilt public opinion in their favor. Corporate-led propaganda continues to be dominant, vicious, and slanted as ever but 2016 was the year when online fake news succeeded in influencing the political discourse in a massive way.

16. ‘Free tuition’

Is it really free? Is it really for all? The details of this landmark policy will continue to be debated this year. Stakeholders are not yet finished in determining the applicability of this policy in schools across the country. But a big obstacle was breached in the fight for a free tertiary education. Lawmakers and education officials, reared in the neoliberal school of thought which disavows the giving away of subsidies, have finally articulated the relevance of providing free tuition to college students.

The struggle continues…

The year 2016 in Philippine mainstream news reporting saw a maelstrom of events that ranged from Rodrigo Duterte’s presidential victory to late dictator Ferdinand Marcos’ burial at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.

In the natural ebb and flow of Philippine current events, there lay an undercurrent of significant issues that did not receive the surge of corporate media coverage they ought to have.

Here are the top 10 underreported issues of 2016.

1. Activist and media killings in the guise of the drug war

We already know the drill. In the morning or evening news the anchors round up the number of drug suspects killed either in legitimate police operations or by so-called vigilantes.

It is bad enough that the bodies and numbers pile up without us, the public, actually hearing investigations being completed and perpetrators brought to justice as much as we are not hearing sharp analyses pinpointing the reasons why suspected people use or peddle illegal drugs in the first place, or if the war on drugs that has left 6,000 dead is actually curbing drug abuse. What makes Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war worse is that it has made criminals out of media workers and activists.

The first recorded casualty is environmental and youth activist Joselito Pasaporte, who was shot in Compostela Valley in October. Just last month, tri-wheel driver Joel Lising was shot once in the head and six times in the body by unidentified men. Lising was an active member of Pagkakaisa ng mga Tri-wheels para sa Kabuhayan (PATOK), an organization resisting Manila City’s plan of phasing out tri-wheels and replacing them with e-trikes.

Read: Manila tri-wheel driver and association officer is latest activist EJK victim

Publisher Larry Que of Catanduanes News Now was shot three weeks ago after the community newspaper published an article criticizing local provincial officials about one of the biggest shabu labs raided by the police. Pangasinan radio commentator Virgilio Maganes narrowly escaped death after being gunned down by motorcycle-riding men. As Maganes pretended to be dead, another man placed a cardboard bearing the words, “Drug pusher, huwag pamarisan” [Drug pusher, don’t emulate].

2. Ceasefire violations amid GRP’s unilateral ceasefire declaration

What was trumpeted as Rodrigo Duterte’s “explosive news” during his first State of the Nation Address wasn’t the big change we thought was coming, as human rights group Karapatan reports several cases of ceasefire violations perpetrated by the armed forces.

While the unilateral ceasefire declarations of both the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the National Democratic Front are still in effect, fully armed soldiers have entered communities to conduct peace and development operations or anti-drug check-ups under the armed forces’ counter-insurgency program Oplan Bayanihan. Locals have reported the same soldiers subjecting suspected New People’s Army supporters to psy-war and harassment. The arrest of NPA fighters and the death of Jimmy Saypan, peasant activist and NPA supporter (as the military says) warrant the claim that soldiers still conduct military operations despite the armed forces declaring suspension of military offensives. Paramilitary groups continue to sow fear among the Lumad in Davao del Norte and Surigao provinces.

While mainstream media reportage on the ceasefire and the peace talks is timely, news on this remains to be on the surface level. Why is there armed conflict? Why the need for a ceasefire to bolster the peace talks? Or can the GRP and NDF talk peace and still have their guns? These are the questions left unanswered, or not asked at all by the media.

3. The state of the country’s political prisoners

Along the same wave as the peace talks between the GRP and the NDF are the neglected state of more than 400 political prisoners in the country.

Read: Ten reasons why political prisoners should be released

We did not hear about the death of ailing Eduardo Serrano last January, who was about to be released as trumped-up charges against him were dropped one by one by the courts. He languished under harsh jail conditions for 11 years. We did not hear the anger and disappointment in the voice of Bernabe Ocasla’s daughter Choan as she together with human rights defenders picketed at the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process for allowing her father to be imprisoned seven years before suffering a fatal heart attack.

Read: Release of political prisoners is a life and death matter

The last week of November kept busy news outfits who churned out news after news about late dictator Ferdinand Marcos’ burial at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. Around this time, calls for the immediate release of political prisoners as well as nationwide hunger strikes intensified. But instead of allotting airtime for this, news execs instead chose to air reports about Sandro Marcos’ Twitter posts and his lasting friendship with Jake Ejercito despite his grandfather’s hero’s burial.

4. The chronic traffic crisis in Metro Manila

Aside from drug-related killings, police raids, and reports culled from police and CCTV videos, the usual news round-up includes the worsening traffic situation in Metro Manila. Although news is abundant with man-on-street interviews and other similar forms of reporting the traffic crisis, we are fed with information that we already know. What we do still don’t know are the underlying factors contributing to heavy traffic, the viable solutions to the problem, and the possible results of granting emergency powers to President Duterte.

Activist-writer Michael Beltran presents research data showing that the country’s socio-economic conditions directly affect Manila traffic. He also warns the public of the trade-offs that come with the president’s emergency powers, should these be given.

One traffic solution proposed by both commuters and government leaders is to focus on mass transportation like the MRT and LRT. However, controversies hounded the Manila railway system, particularly on the common station controversy.

Mainstream media did a meagre job of reporting these issues by lacking analyses and commentary on the construction of the MRT 3, LRT 2, and MRT 7 common station, which involved concerned government entities giving concessions to favor Ayala and SM malls and businesses.

5. Continuing demolitions in urban and rural communities

President Duterte’s declaration of suspending demolitions until proper relocation is provided has already been broken several times in 2016.

While urban poor group Kadamay says that the issue of housing has its roots in the country’s socio-economic quagmire, Duterte’s earlier statement regarding relocation gives a chance for residents to pursue legal action and gain collective strength against unlawful demolition practices. This kind of analysis is absent in media reports on urban development and housing.

Kadamay reported several demolition cases in both urban and rural areas last year, including a land-grabbing issue in Maragondon, Cavite, by Henry Sy and local landlord Virata family.

Last November, a shot was fired at the Kadamay Malabon Chapter office by unidentified men, while informal settlers’ homes in Pangarap Village, North Caloocan were set to fire by suspected members of the military.

6. Election malfunctions

Commission on Elections chair Andres Bautista is in hot water for the data leak that compromised the personal data of over 16 million Filipinos. Aside from that, Comelec faced criticism over blunders during the May 9 elections, including difficulty of finding voter precincts, hot and congested polling areas, and non-functioning or malfunctioning vote-counting machines. Some voters had to leave their ballots and just trusted the election officer to feed the ballots into the VCM once they started working again. Because of the delay, around 1.5 to 2 million people left the polling precincts without having voted at all.

Former Comelec commissioner Gus Lagman admitted that the country’s automated election system obtained by the government from foreign company Smartmatic is “vulnerable to internal tampering.”

However widespread the election coverage was by mainstream media outfits, the reports mainly focused on numbers – like how many VCMs malfunctioned or which areas voting got delayed – and not so much on the implications and prospects of using an automated electoral system made and ran by foreign businesses from a country with great political, economic and military interests in one of the Philippines’ most manifest exercises of democracy.

7. Lumad issues

Except for the police dispersal at the U.S. Embassy in October last year (with its violent nature the stuff of sensationalized reporting), mainstream media failed to deliver in-depth reports on several issues plaguing the Lumad and Philippine indigenous peoples. If it were not also for the harrowing, blatant police harassment of protesters, it would not have been reported that the indigenous peoples have trooped to the country’s capital, were on their sixth day in the metro, and were seeking redress for their grievances.

On December 2016, Datu Gombil Mansimuy-at and 15 others from Davao del Norte died due to pneumonia and diarrhea. The local government of Davao and non-government organizations say that since their return in November 2016, the Lumad have been facing health, sanitation, and agricultural problems and are adjusting to new, unfamiliar conditions in their town in Talaingod after having been away for more than two years. Members of the Talaingod community fled after military harassment in April 2014. Even before that time and even up to now, the Lumad have been actively defending their right to their ancestral land and self-determination, and for that they endure harassment, torture, and death from the hands of those sworn to protect and serve the interests of the people .

8. Hunger and militarization hounding the peasant sector

That the Philippines is mainly an agricultural country must constantly (and purposely?) slip the minds of our executives and lawmakers, such that there is a lack of government policies and measures that uplift the peasant sector. Instead, we see an influx of mining enterprises, agribusiness ventures, and plantations primarily for export.

Because of sustained collective action from farmers and farmworkers, several violent incidents continuing to defeat genuine land reform have been recorded by the Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura, including the shooting of banana workers by security guards of Lapanday Foods Corporation in Tagum City; the forced eviction of Hacienda Luisita tillers from their collective bungkalan; and the police dispersal of farmers demanding rice that left two dead and many others wounded, an incident now remembered as the Kidapawan shooting.

In November, farmers and fisherfolk from the Visayas journeyed to Manila in what was dubbed the Lakbayan ng Visayas. Around a thousand delegates held dialogues, protests, and teach-ins at concerned government agencies and schools. Their call? Proper rehabilitation for typhoon-struck provinces that are experiencing hunger – including unfinished housing and financial projects for Yolanda survivors – government support for vast farmlands attacked by pests, and an end to militarization in almost all Visayas regions.

We didn’t hear any of these peasant-initiated demonstrations and educational undertakings. The Kidapawan shooting landed a few news spots for several days, but we got as many (or even more) slanted reports favoring the police, local officials and Liberal Party members (when Mar Roxas’ electoral campaign connection came into play) as those who were exposing the story and seeking justice for the farmers as media should be all about public trust and social justice. Déjà vu, Hacienda Luisita?

9. Never-ending endo and unfair labor practices

Working conditions in the Philippines loomed well during the early part of 2016 with presidential frontrunner Duterte promising an end to contractualization; however, with the release of the labor department’s win-win solution proposal and later the Department Order 30 (DO 30), it seems like the end for endo is still far from sight.

Comprehensive reporting is absent from the daily news, especially on laws and policies that allow the existence of unfair labor practices.

There is also immense misinformation about what is contractualization, workers themselves not knowing the rigmaroles of this and especially their labor and economic rights, especially at this juncture that the ‘win-win’ solution and the DO 30 aim only to wipe out contractualization in name.

The same conditions apply for workers in the television and film industry, in spite of the Department of Labor and Employment’s advisory setting an 8-12 hour working day. In a press briefing last month, DOLE secretary Silvestre Bello recognized that TV and film workers receive meager salaries, have no benefits, and lack security of tenure.

Some segments proudly relayed news of international wins by filmmaker Lav Diaz and actress Jaclyn Jose, but failed to give more time to report labor struggles waged (and won) by talents behind the camera.

10. Philippine independent foreign policy

For his numerous unprecedented statements throughout 2016, topping last year’s list of newsmakers is no less than President Duterte. He lashed out on the U.S. for criticizing his war on drugs, cried justice for the millions killed in the Filipino-American War, threatened to abrogate PH-US military pacts, ordered American troops out of Mindanao, and convinced us of the need to create our own independent foreign policy. Then after all this, he allowed the continuation of the Visiting Forces Agreement and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, and permitted 250 military exercises in the Philippines in 2017, including the annual Balikatan exercises between the US and Philippine military.

The media was abuzz with talk about independent foreign policy, but all this touched only the tip of the iceberg, without actually looking beneath the waters. Progressive groups have been constantly calling an end to imperialist incursions by the US in the Philippines, and it seems they have reason to do so – ties between America and our country have so far been limited to subjecting the latter to unfair economic, political, and military conditions. Still, there is still a lot to tell the public about true independence, territorial and economic sovereignty—cusps of nationhood—that we do not discuss in media and does not help inform the public so they may have their own opinion. Duterte’s patriotic rhetoric could have been the (long-awaited) jump off point.

The peace talks between the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) resumed in August 2016 after more than five years of impasse. Upon the election of President Rodrigo Duterte, vocal about his desire to achieve peace for the country and end the almost half century rebellion, the GRP panel agreed to reaffirm all previously signed agreements and the release of NDFP peace consultants and all other political prisoners as a matter of upholding previously signed agreements.

More than seven months after much optimism for Duterte’s promise of release of political prisoners, only the first batch of 17 consultants and 2 political prisoners based on humanitarian grounds were released. These releases were made before the first round of talks could commence. After this and after the GRP repeatedly going back and forth on the promise, no other political prisoner has been released.

No sitting administration has given as many promises to release political prisoners as the current one, even only seven months in office. Would the Duterte government release the political prisoners after all? As a matter of justice, as an obligation to the peace talks, or maybe even just for palabra de honor?

We trace the Duterte government’s promise to release political prisoners.

May 23, 2016 press conference

On releasing Benito and Wilma Tiamzon, tagged Chairperson and Secretary-General of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) respectively, President-elect Rodrigo Duterte said: “I might decide to just free them before the talks. Okay ako. Lahat, basta we deal in good faith. (All prisoners as long as we deal in good faith).”

The Tiamzon couple, along with 17 other NDFP consultants and those protected by the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees were released just right before the August 22 first round of talks under the Duterte administration. Right out of jail, the 19 flew out of the country to participate in the peace talks in Oslo, Norway.

On releasing political prisoners before a final peace agreement is reached, Duterte said: “Basta sabi ko kung mayroon nang talks. Before the resolution, hindi kailangan tapusin, in good faith ba. Show of confidence building. Oo sige, bitawan ko na kayo, mag-usap tayo dito.”

(I said, I will release as long as there are talks. I will release prisoners even before the resolution of talks, in good faith. Show of confidence building. Okay, I will let you go, let’s talk.)

After the initial 19 and after two rounds of talks and the third one coming up in January, no other political prisoner has been released.

June 14-15, 2016 exploratory talks in Oslo

After the two-day exploratory talks, the GRP and the NDFP parties agreed that the government panel would recommend to Duterte the immediate release of all NDFP consultants and other JASIG-protected individuals so that they can participate in the resumption of the peace negotiations

The GRP and NDFP peace panels signed the June 15 Oslo Joint Statement in Oslo, Norway on June 15. The document laid down the five-point agenda in the resumption of the peace negotiations.

June 23, 2016

GRP Peace Panel Chair Silvestre Bello III: We seek the release of political prisoners who are reportedly covered by JASIG (Joint Agreement on Security and Immunity Guarantees). Those who are elderly and sick will also be released on humanitarian considerations.

As of this time, human rights group Karapatan lists 543 political prisoners all over the country, among them 18 NDFP consultants. Of the number, 130 are sickly, 33 are elderly, and 33 are women.

June 30,2016 inauguration speech in Malacañang Palace

President Rodrigo Duterte speech: “On the domestic front, my administration is committed to implement all signed peace agreements in step with constitutional and legal reforms.”

Between the GRP and the NDFP, one such agreement is The Hague Declaration of 1992 that set forth the four substantive agenda (human rights, social and economic reforms, political and constitutional reforms and end of hostilities and disposition of forces) of the talks before a final peace agreement is reached and a recognition of parity to not cow one or the other to capitulation and abandoning the quest to address the roots of the armed conflict, the ultimate aim of the peace negotiations. Another the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL), the first (yet only) substantive agenda that the two parties have reached an agreement in 24 years of negotiations and relevant to the recognition that political offenses not be criminalized. The reaffirmation of JASIG should carry with it a recognition wrongful arrests and detentions committed by past administrations and the need to rectify this unjust situation.

August 15, 2016

In a dialogue in Malacanang with the NDFP delegation, Duterte said he wanted to release more political prisoners. He was also heard to have said, ‘I had been a prosecutor for many years and I know that these things happen. I will stop that policy and practice.’

August 22-26, 2016 first round of talks in Oslo

The first round of talks ended with the GRP and NDFP agreeing on all five points in the agenda.

The first agenda is the affirmation of previously signed agreements. The second agenda as the “accelerated process for negotiations, including the timeline for the completion of the remaining substantive agenda for the talks.” The third agenda was the reconstitution of the JASIG list. The fourth agenda was the amnesty proclamation for the release of all political prisoners, subject to concurrence of Congress. The fifth agenda evolved around the mode of the interim ceasefire, which would include mechanisms and coverage of the agreement.

The GRP declared an indefinite unilateral ceasefire on August 22, while the NDFP’s own indefinite unilateral ceasefire commenced on August 26. The two parties agreed to come up with a draft of the unified, bilateral ceasefire agreement in 60 days, contingent upon the delivery of commitments in the talks.

September 26, 2016

A month after the first round of the formal peace talks, Duterte presided the meeting with the GRP and NDFP panels in Malacañang Palace. Both panels gave their updates on the development of the talks that was held in Oslo, Norway.

It was also Duterte’s first meeting with the newly-released NDFP consultants.

October 2016 second round of talks

After the first round of talks and the releases prior it, no other political prisoners were released. The matter was taken up once more in the second round of peace talks on October 6 to 9, 2016.

The signed Joint Statement after the peace talks agreed on the three matters (1) political prisoners, (2) Amnesty Proclamation and (3) the next round of talks. On the political prisoners, the Joint Statement read:

“The Parties reviewed the Joint Oslo Statements dated June 15 and August 26, 2016 on the issue of the immediate release of detained prisoners listed by the NDFP, giving premium on those prisoners who will be released based on humanitarian grounds. They also reviewed the circumstances and status of JASIG-protected NDFP consultants.

They took good note of the positive steps so far taken, including the finalization of the Revised Guidelines on the Presidential Committee on Bail, Recognizance and Pardon, and agreed to accelerate the process consistent with the Parties’ common resolve.

They also agreed that the presidential clemency for and release of three remaining JASIG-protected consultants, Eduardo Sarmiento, Emeterio Antalan and Leopoldo Caloza, shall be expedited. The GRP shall release the prisoners who are listed by the NDFP in accordance with the CARHRIHL pending the approval of the proposed amnesty for their benefit.

The GRP Panel affirms its commitment to work for the release of these prisoners in expeditious and acceptable modes.”

November 30, 2016

Bello vowed to release some 50-70 political prisoners before the International Human Rights Day on December 10 in a press conference at the Royal Mandaya Hotel in Davao City.

The CPP, however, said the mere 50 release is an unacceptable token. Further, they gave the Philippine government up to January to free all 432 political prisoners in the country or “forego the possibility of forging a bilateral cease fire agreement” and “risk cutting short as well the mutual interim cease fire declarations.”

Said ultimatum issued by the CPP prompted Duterte to set a meeting with NDFP representatives, particularly the Tiamzon couple, in the coming days.

December 1, 2016

After the death of the ailing nine-year detained, 66-year old peasant leader Bernabe Ocasla, Bello said that “The more than 400 political prisoners will be released in due time.”

He also said, “It was unfortunate that it happened just as we are working for the release of the elderly, sick and long detained NDF members on humanitarian grounds.”

December 3, 2016

President Duterte met with NDFP officials in Davao City on December 3. In the meeting, Duterte agreed to release 130 political prisoners “as soon as poosible” or “before the start of the January peace talks.” The number 130 refer to the elderly and the sick among the more than 400 political prisoners at this time.

Present in the meeting that also tackled the Marcos burial and the war on drugs were NDFP peace panel chair Fidel Agcaoili, panel member Benito Tiamzon, peace consultant Wilma Tiamzon and Bayan Muna Representative Carlos Isagani Zarate, also the Vice Chairman of the Special Committee on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity at the House of Representatives

December 5, 2016

At the traditional lighting of a Christmas tree at the Malacañang grounds, Duterte said he will release elderly and ailing political prisoners before Christmas Day. He said, “If they are ready to be released and will be accepted by their families, i-release ko na before Christmas time. There’s really no point in detaining a person na matanda na tapos may sakit.”

In a matter of two days, Duterte upended the promise of releasing 130 political prisoners he made to NDFP representative only two days earlier. He said: “Now they are asking for release of 130 political prisoners. Ang sabi ko I cannot. I cannot give you that. I’m sorry but I have already conceded so much on the side of the government.”

He gave a condition for the release of 130 or more political prisoners, saying ”But if you can show me a document signed by the Republic of the Philippines representatives and the communist, then I will release the 130 plus more.”

December 6, 2016

Labor Secretary Silvestre Bello III, head of the government peace panel, said on this day that he met with Duterte on the night before and received clear instructions about the political prisoners.

“Produce to me a signed bilateral ceasefire agreement and I will release them within 48 hours. You can take my word for it,” Bello quoted Mr. Duterte as saying.

Taking up Duterte’s statement, NDFP Chief Political consultant Jose Maria Sison said that the signing of the bilateral ceasefire agreement by the GRP and NDFP panels can come ahead of the amnesty and release of all political prisoners by President Duterte but would be valid and effective only upon the actual release of political prisoners and upon the approval of the agreement by the GRP and NDFP principals.

“During the third round of formal talks in Rome in third week of January, President Duterte and I as CPP founding chairman and as authorized representative of the CC (Central Committee) of the CPP shall approve the (ceasefire) document,” Sison said.

“The GRP must keep its word of amnestying and releasing all the 434 political prisoners. Otherwise the CPP, NPA and NDFP would terminate any ceasefire agreement even if already signed at the level of the panels and shift to the mode of negotiating while fighting,” Sison said.

December 19, 2016

At the conferment of the presidential awards at Malacañang, Bello confirmed the government plan to release around 20 detainees before December 25, mostly sickly, elderly and women. He said they would be released, considering humanitarian grounds and bail recognizance. He also said the one to three of the 20 might even join the peace talks in January.

December 26, 2016

Attending the peace rally and the anniversary of the CPP on the outskirts of Duterte’s hometown Davao City, Bello again assured the release of the political prisoners before the end of the year, “hopefully 17 to 20.”

Bello also said that the releases on humanitarian reasons will also push through and that “it is just a matter of time.”